ABSTRACT OF A LETTER OF BARILLON TO THE KING.

London, June 2d, 1685.

The vexation and uneasiness this piece of news may cause to the King of England have been very much lessened by what happened yesterday in Parliament. The House of Commons granted to his Britannic Majesty for his life-time, the same revenues which the late King his brother enjoyed: it was unanimously resolved upon. Mr. Seymour alone opposed it, but he harangued to no purpose against the form of the elections, and upon the peril wherein they stand to see the Catholic religion and a government against the laws established. His speech was neither followed nor applauded by any one.

The upper house deliberated, at the same time, upon the affair of the Lords accused of high treason, and annulled a regulation of their own house, which imports that impeachments entered into by the lower house shall subsist from one Parliament to the other. This had been done to perpetuate the accusation against the Earl of Danby and the Catholic peers, who by that means were always liable to be condemned upon the testimony that might be brought in against them. They are now free from the accusation; and to pursue them it would be necessary to begin a new accusation and a new trial. This determination of the upper house annuls every thing that was done upon the pretended conspiracy of the Catholics, which otherwise would have subsisted: it is a very important stroke with respect to his Britannic Majesty. My Lords Devonshire, Anglesea, Clare and Radnor, opposed the motion and only proved their disaffection.

The King of England spoke to me last evening with great warmth of his attachment to your Majesty, and of his desire to preserve your friendship, and to augment, if possible, the existing connexion. He told me that he thought himself to be in a better condition to act according to his inclination and interests, since he is possessed of the revenue the late King his brother enjoyed; that he should however always stand in great need of your Majesty's friendship and succours to execute the projects he has formed, and without which he cannot be safe; that your Majesty should see how carefully he will manage the honour of your good graces, and how firmly he will adhere to your interests; that Prince then told me the particulars of the news from Scotland, and added that he had no doubt but the Elector of Brandenburg and other Princes of Ger many, had underhand contributed to the enterprise of the Earl of Argyle, and he would be supported by all the Protestant powers in Europe, which pointed out to him the course he ought to follow and whom he could trust. I told him I would inform your Majesty of what was going on, and could assure him beforehand your Majesty would omit nothing to support him and to give him essential proofs of your friendship.

The letters I received from M. Avaux of the 29th of May, show me that the Dutch Ambassadors who reside here, write as if they were persuaded that the King of England is entirely disposed to form a new and closer alliance with the States' General.

Your Majesty will judge what is to be done here for your service in the present juncture. I shall keep myself ready to execute your orders without advancing beyond the payment of the old subsidy. I do not question but my

Lord Rochester, nay the King of England himself, will soon urge me to supply them with money from the funds which they know to be here. I imagine the event referred to in your Majesty's orders is nearly at hand; since there is a rebellion formed in Scotland, which has its roots and branches in England and Ireland. I shall await the orders your Majesty may be pleased to give me; but what is to be done soon and of your Majesty's own accord, will, in my judgment, have far more weight and merit than the succours which may be granted when they are solicited with impatience.

I know that large sums are not furnished usually without previous stipulations and positive assurances of the effect they are proposed to produce. I make no doubt that the King of England will hereafter enter upon all the engagements your Majesty may desire. I did not open my mind hereupon, because I had no positive order from your Majesty to do so; nay I was apprehensive, if I had began to talk thereof, that terms would be requested which perhaps might not suit you, such as not to conclude, on your side, any alliance with other princes, This equality is neither rational nor admissible between your Majesty and the King of England, whose power is so different from and unequal to yours. But the English always presume more upon themselves than they ought, and those who wish to hinder or weaken the connexions between your Majesty and his Britannic Majesty would perhaps find expedients in the provisos of a treaty to elude the ends thereof. I make this reflection beforehand upon a matter which is not yet talked of, but which may come to be a topic of discussion in time.

The only question now is what your Majesty will have me do with the money you sent hither? It appears to me that the King of England proportions his engagements to the money which he receives from your Majesty, and that it is the best and surest means to render ineffectual all the attempts that may be made to stagger him, and to induce him to take a course contrary to your Majesty's interests; I think I see this clearly, and that it would be perilous to leave the King of England without supplies, at a time when he may most want them. Parliament have, indeed, granted him the revenue of the late King; they may even, hereafter, give something for the fleet; but civil war is begun in Scotland, and I find very sensible people, who are persuaded that the Earl of Argyle's enterprise is of a more serious nature than it first seemed to be.

As soon as the act for the supply is past, the affairs which concern religion, will be brought on the carpet, and many other matters. I think it would be useful, at that time, for your Majesty's service, if some members of Parliament could be managed, and inspired with a conduct such as suits your Majesty's interests. A sum of 1500 or 2000 pieces would be sufficient to preserve to your Majesty a credit which you might possibly want in other times. I shall do nothing on that head, even if I had permission for it, but with great precaution.

My lord Montague waited upon me before his departure for France: he strongly pressed me to write to your Majesty about the complete payment of what remains due to him. He told me that instead of 50,000 crowns which are due to him, he would content himself with a pension during his life, which he pretended could not be less than 2,000 livres : he thinks it would be a means to pay off what is legitimate

ly due to him, without your Majesty's being obliged to disburse a large sum; and that it would even be a guarantee of his conduct at all times, since your Majesty could stop the payment of the pension, if your Majesty was not satisfied with his conduct. I could not forbear giving your Majesty an account of this proposition. It is certain that my Lord Montague has rendered a great service: he is himself to speak thereof to M. Croissy.

ABSTRACT OF A LETTER OF M. BARILLON TO THE KING. London, June 4th, 1685.

Mr. Seymour's speech has made a great noise in London, and at court; though it has not retarded the resolution of the Lower House, concerning the appropriations, but in process of time this discourse will be often talked of, in which most important matters have been fully investigated. Mr. Seymour did not oppose the motion to grant the King of England the revenues which the late King enjoyed; but he proposed to put off deliberating thereupon, until the forms by which the members of Parliament were elected, had been examined. He asserted that the elections were, for the most part vicious, and carried by cabals, and by authority, directly contrary to the laws of England, which establish an entire freedom on the subject of elections; so that, the least bribery being proved renders an election void; that the sheriffs and other officers who had presided over the elections, had all been appointed in virtue of new writs issued not long since, in lieu of the old ones that were called in and annulled; that the example of what had been done with respect to the city of London, in annulling its charters and privileges, had been followed in the other towns and boroughs, though according to the laws and cus