fatisfaction the moft fpeedy and complete. The executive council might immediately have accepted the rupture of the treaty, which the English government feems to have offered; but they were unwilling to precipitate any of their meafures, and before publishing their definitive refolution, were defirous to afford to the British miniftry an opportunity of a frank and candid explanation. In confequence the undersigned has received orders to demand of lord Grenville, to inform him by a clear, fpeedy, and categorical anfwer, if, under the general denomination of foreigners in the bill preparing by parliament, upon the propofition of a member of adminiftration, the government of Great Britain mean likewife to include the French. (Signed) CHAUVELIN. Portman-fquare, Jan. 7, 1793. Second Year of the French Republic. Beply by Lord Grenville to Monf. A Chauvelin. FTER the formal notification which the underfigned has had the honour of making to M. Chauvelin, he finds himfelf obliged to fend back to him the paper which he received this morning, and which he cannot confider otherwise than as totally inadmiflible, M. Chauvelin affuming in it a character which is not acknowledged. (Signed) remitted to me on the 13th of this month. I cannot help remarking, that I have found nothing fatisfac tory in the refult of it. The explanations which it contains are nearly reduced to the fame point which I have already replied to at length. The declaration of wishing to intermeddle with the affairs of other countries is therein renewed. No denial is made, nor reparation is offered, for the outrageous proceedings I ftated to you in my letter of December 31; and the right of infringing treaties, and violating the rights of our allies, is ftill maintained, by folely offering an illufory negociation upon this fubject, which is put off, as well as the evacuation of the Low Countries by the French armies, to the indefinite term, not only of the conclufion of the war, but likewife of the confolidation of what is called the liberty of the Belgians. It is added, that if these expla nations appear infufficient to us; if you fhould again be obliged to hear an haughty tone of language; if hoftile preparations fhould continue in the ports of Englandafter having tried every effort to preferve peace, you will then make difpofitions for war. If this notification, or that relative to the treaty of commerce, had been made to me under a regular and official form, I fhould have found myfelf under the neceflity of replying to it, that to threaten GRENVILLE. Great Britain with a declaration of war because fhe judged it expedient to augment her forces, and alfo to declare that a folemn treaty should be broken because England adopted, for her own fafety, füch precautions as already exift in France, would only be contidered, Letter from Lord Grenville to M. I Whitehall, Jan. 18, 1793. HAVE examined, Sir, with the utmost attention, the paper you both both the one and the other, as new grounds of offence, which, as long as they fhould fubfift, would prove a bar to every kind of negociation Under this form of extra-official communication, I think I may yet be permitted to tell you, not in a tone of haughtiness, but of firmnefs, that these explanations are not confidered fufficient; and that all the motives which gave rife to the preparations ftill continue. Thefe motives are already known to you by my letter of December terms, what thofe difpofitions were which could alone maintain peace and a good understanding. I do not fee that it can be useful to the object of conciliation to enter into a difcuffion with you on feparate points under the prefent circumitances, as I have already acquainted you with my opinion concerning them. If you have any explanations to give me under the fame extra official form, which will embrace all the objects contained in my letter of the 31ft of December, as well as all the points which re late to the prefent crisis with England, her allies, and the general fyftem of Europe, I fhall willingly attend to them. I think it, however, my duty to inform you, in the moft positive terms, in answer to what you tell me on the fubject of our preparations, that under the prefent circumftances all thofe meafures will be continued which may be judged neceflary to place us in a ftate of protecting the fafety, tranquillity, and the rights of this country, as well as to guarantee thofe of our allies; and to fet up a barrier to thofe views of ambition and aggrandizement, dangerous at all I fhall grant me an interview. proceed to explain the motives of this requeft, and you will judge them to be fuch as will not admit of delay. I thall firft defire of you, my lord, fecurity for my communications with the French government. Whatever may be the character which you acknowledge me to poffefs, you have, at least, never doubted of the authenticity of the declarations which I have tranfmitted to you in the name of the French nation. I will therefore propose to you, my lord, either abfolutely to refufe hearing me, or to give orders for my couriers to be respected, and the fecrecy of my letters, as as well of thofe fent as received, to be obferved. I will then, my lord, require to be informed, whether his Britannic majefty will receive my letters of credence, and if he be fatisfied with the declarations contained in the paper which I had the honour of tranfmiting to your lordship laft Sunday. I have not only received freth orders from the executive council of France to infift upon a speedy and definitive anfwer; but there is yet another reafon which urgently prefles for the decifion of his Britannic majefty. I have learnt this day, that the law relating to foreigners obliges them to make their declaration within ten days after the 10th of January ; and, in case of any foreigner, who is amenable to this law, neglecting or refufing to make fuch declaration, the magiftrates of this country would be authorized not only to require him to do fo, but even to imprifon him. I know, my lord, and all thofe who understand that I cannot be implicated in this law. The avowed and acknowledged organ of a government which executes laws to which 25 millions of men have fubmitted themselves, my perion is, and ought to be, facred; and even under my diplomatic character, my lord, I could not be ranked among the general common clafs of foreigners, until his Britannic majefty fhould have definitively rejected the letters of credence which he knows I have received for him. But had I been implicated in this law, I owe to the government of a free and powerful nation, which I reprefent, this declaration, that it would be impoflible for me to fubmit to it; and that all the perfecutions which it might pleafe his Britannic majetty to make me endure, would fall upon the French nation, in whofe caufe and for whofe fake it would be my glory to fuffer. After this candid declaration, my lord, thinking myself entitled to an equal fincerity on your fide, I will desire of you, in the converfation which I folicit, to inform me, what is the conduct which his Britannic majesty's minifters mean to hold with refpe to me, and with apprized you, that his majefty has referved to himself the right of deciding, according to his judgment, upon the two queftions of acknowledging a new form of government in France, and of receiving a minifter accredited on the part of fome other authority in France than that of his moft Chriftian majefty. In anfwer to the demand you now. make, whether his majesty will receive your new letters of credence, I have to inform you, that under the prefent circumftances his majefty does not think proper to receive them. The request you make of me is equally incompatible with the form of an extra-official communication, and that character in which you have hitherto been known as minifter of his moft Chriftian majesty. Nothing then remains for me to fay relative to the fubject of your former letter, particularly after what has just happened in France, than to inform you, that as an agent charged with a confidential communication, you ought certainly to have attended to the neceffary menfures taken by us to secure your letters and couriers; that as miniter of his moft Chriftian majesty you would have enjoyed all thofe exceptions exceptions which the law affords to public minifters properly acknowledged as fuch; but, that as an individual, you can only be confidered amongst the general mass of foreigners refident in England. (Signed) GRENVILLE. Letter from the fame to the fame, ordering his immediate departure from the realm, Jan. 24. I AM charged to notify to you, Sir, that the character with which you had been invefted at this court, and the functions of which have been fo long fufpended, being now entirely terminated by the fatal death of his moft Chriftian majesty, you have no longer any public character here. The king can no longer, after fuch an event, permit your refidence here. His majesty has thought fit to order, that you fhould retire from this kingdom within the term of eight days; and I herewith tranfmit to you a copy of the order which his majefty in his privy council has given to this effect. I fend you a paffport for yourfelf and your fuite; and I fhall not fail to take all the other neceffary fleps, in order that you may return to France with all the attentions which are due to the character of minifter plenipotentiary from his moft Chriftian majefty, which you have exercised at this court. (Signed) GRENVILLE. houfe of commons copies of feverat papers which have been received from M. Chauvelin, late minifter plenipotentiary from the moft Chriftian king, by his majefty's fecretary of ftate for foreign affairs, and of the answers returned thereto; and likewife copies of an order made by his majefty in council, and tranfmitted by his majesty's command to the faid M. Chauvelin, in confequence of the atrocious act recently perpetrated at Paris. "In the prefent fituation of affairs, his majesty thinks it indif penfably neceffary to make a further augmentation of his forces by fea and land; and relies on the known affection and zeal of the house of commons, to enable his majefty to take the most effectual measures, in the present important conjuncture, for maintaining the fecurity and rights of his own dominions, for fupporting his allies, and for oppofing views of aggrandizement and ambition, on the part of France, which would be at all times dangerous to the general interefts of Europe, but are particularly fo, when connected with the propagation of principles which lead to the violation of the most facred duties, and are utterly fubverfive of the peace and order of all civil fociety. "G. R." Proteft in the House of Lords against the Addrefs, voted in anfwer to the preceding Meffage, Feb. 1. thing but abfolute neceffity can justify it. 3. Because we have not heard of any danger to this country which renders war neceffary. 4. Because the obfervance of good faith towards our allies does not require us to engage in war, his majesty's minifters having ad-, mitted that Holland has not demanded our interference, and it being notorious, that Pruffia has been the aggreilor against France. 5. Because though we feel the utmoft horror at the atrocious act of cruelty and injuftice mentioned in the addrefs, we think that no injuftice, however flagrant, committed in a foreign ftate, and hav. ing no relation to other countries, is a juft ground for making war. 6. Because we are more likely to obtain the objects, whether of policy or principle, in the way of negociation, than war; the averfion of France to break with this country, which has lately ftood the teft of repeated provocations, putting it in our power at this moment to give peace to all Europe: whereas by entering into the war, we fhall put all at ftake; we fhall be to join a league, whose duration cannot be depended on; our marine will be to act against armed veffels only, and that of the French against a trade which covers every quarter of the globe. 7. Because, in no view of policy can we discover any advantage to be obtained to this country by war, however fuccessful. The experience of our two laft wars, has taught us the little value of foreign . acquifitions; for having loft America in the last of them, we now enjoy a more beneficial intercourfe with it as an independent ftate, VOL. XXXV. than we did when it formed a part of the British dominions. 8. Becaufe we think it the intereft of this country to preferve peace with all mankind, but inore especially with France. 9. Becaufe, even if it fhould be thought confonant to the honour and magnanimity of this nation to feek the depreflion of France, that end will be moft effectually promoted, by leaving them to their own internal diffenfions, inftead of uniting them by a hoftile aggres fion in a common caufe, and thus calling forth all their energy. 10. Becaufe, as every war muft be concluded by a peace, negocia tion must at fome time take place, and we muft ultimately depend upon the good faith of France, unlefs we proceed upon a principle of partition, conqueft, or extermination. 11. Because the measures now in view will utterly derange our fyftem of finance, our war refources having been applied towards defraying the expence of our peace eftablishment, in confequence of which our floating unfunded debt, which amounted at the commencement of the American war only to 3,100,0001., has accumulated above ten millions, exclusive of India bonds. Befides which, the additional effect that the late enor mous extenfion of private banking, to an amount unknown, may have upon our public credit, in cafe of war, is what no one can forefee. to |
