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them like cattle, while they were fighting against the oppression of the mother country and boasting of the Rights of Man. Why then concede to them virtues which they did not possess?" The idea of amending the Constitution in an anti-slavery sense he relegated to limbo. To tear it up

and repeal the Union was henceforth his fixed ain, and he carried most of his followers with him. He disenfranchised himself and refused to vote in elections. His movement was to be purely moral. He at the same time embraced the most extreme doctrine of non-resistance and of opposition to all war. This, no doubt, was a clear moral position, but it assumed either that slavery was, like murder, a crime not to be tolerated for a moment, or that all hopes of gradual and peaceful abolition were gone. Moreover, by cutting the South adrift the negro would have been abandoned to his fate.

To declare war against the Union and against the Constitution was to dash your self against a sentiment which though not absolutely moral or deserving to be laid in the moral balance against a strictly moral principle, was at all events a good deal inore respectable than the sordid servility of Wall Street or the passions of an Irish mob. The feeling of the Americans for the Union was perhaps as high and as worthy of tender treatment as anything connected with self-aggrandizement can be. About the strength of the feeling there can be no doubt. It has had force since the war to reconcile those who fought on opposite sides in that long and desperate struggle and to bring the soldiers of Lee and Meade together as brethren on the field of Gettysburg.

A certain portion of the anti-slavery men refused to follow Garrison's lead and continued as the "Liberty Party" to combine moral with political action. No doubt in their relations with the regular political parties they were awkwardly placed, and the practical result of their movement was small; but it seems to us that there was more reason in their course than Garrison's biographers are willing to allow. We find it difficult to convince ourselves that in any circumstances a man can be justified in renouncing his character as a citizen and refuse to give his country the benefit of his conscientious vote. When the time came Garrison had to admit that the Republican party, on the

whole, had been the anti slavery party, and even that it had made great sacrifices for that cause. Surely this was a practical reason, not perhaps for identifying himself with the party, but for supporting it against its adversary all along.

The moral movement and the political movement, however, went on in their different planes. The overbearing domination of the slave owners, and especially the challenge which they were indiscreet enough to fling to the Northern conscience in the Fugitive Slave law, provoked political resistance, which gradually became instinct with the moral sentiment; so that the two forces began to be blended. Garrison found himself receiving orations and placed in the seat of honor, where before he had been mobbed, pelted, and dragged out to be hanged. Meantime the march of events was quickened. Judge Taney, with an abominable frankness, defined slavery in terms which brought its iniquity home to every mind and stabbed the public conscience to the quick. John Brown, with fevered brain, fired what proved to be the first shot of civil war. Then came the election of Lincoln, which the slaveowner with good reason took as a proof that his peculiar institution" was no longer safe in the Union. Garrison's biographers have honestly recounted the ignominious efforts made by Congress at the last moment to lure the South back into the Union by tendering increased securities for slavery. They and all reasonable Americans must see that the English or any other foreigners could hardly be expected to look behind these acts of Congress and to regulate their sympathies on the hypothesis that people who declared their willingness to establish slavery immutably and forever were really in arms for abolition. However, the firing on Fort Sumter ended parley, and there was civil war.

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What was Garrison, the repealer of the Union, the anathematizer of the Constitution, the non-resistance man, and preacher against all war, to do in face of war, and of a war professedly undertaken to restore the Union and maintain the Constitution? As might have been expected, his theoretic principles gave way to practi cal policy. He said that when he had declared the Constitution to be" A covenant with death and an agreement with hell,' he never thought that death and hell would

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secede from the Constitution. And as to fighting, he said that those who did it were not upon the plane of Jesus, but only upon that of Moses and Gideon, winking hard for the time at the difference between the two dispensations. His practical good sense told him that at any rate it was a battle between a Slave Power and a Free Power in which he ought to be on the side of the Free Power. He cast in his lot, in effect, heartily with the Republican party and with bithe war. John Bright, a Quaker, opposed in principle to all war, took the same line. 900shasqebai to ajand BHe did not at first give his full confidence to Lincoln, nor was he, or any one but a blind partisan, called upon to do so. Lincoln was a Western politician who had risen by the same arts as the rest of his class, and had been nominated not so much for his merits as because he had the Illinois vote. He turned out infinitely better than those who brought him forward had any right to expect. His character proved admirable, and was most useful in giving tone to the nation during the struggle. But his ability after all was chiefly shown in keeping that touch with popular sentiment, the cultivation of which is the supreme study of the politician. The writers of these volumes have to admit that his plans for dealing with the slavery question in the Border States by means of indemnities were mistaken and almost fatuous.

his integrity of purpose through all the clouds thrown over them by the necessities of an equivocal position, perhaps also by the ingrained habits of the politician; and she cordially supported Lincoln's re-election. In this he formed a contrast to Wendell Phillips, whose fiery spirit would brook no delay, and whose eloquence was greater than his judgment.

go The war began as a constitutional struggle for the restoration of the Union, the moral object of abolishing slavery being thrown into the background or actually abjured. But, as the conflict went on, the progress of opinion, and still more of feeling, conspired with the necessities of war to make it a struggle for emancipation. In the end, Garrison and the moral movementorode in the care of victory into Charlestown. One of the most impressive scenes,' says one who was there, I have witnessed was Wm. Lloyd Garrison standing at the grave of John C. Calhoun." The tomb was a great marble slab, with the name of the great statesman of slavery as the sole and sufficient epitaph.bass

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Garrison stands almost alone among agitators in having closed not only his agitation but his public career when the object of his movement was gained, showing decisively thereby that he had been animated not by restless ambition but by devotion to his cause.com Wendell Phillips insisted on going on, and go on he did from Nor can it be said that the war was one agitation to another to the end of his ably administered while the management passionate and stormy life. Garrison bewas in his bands. The great service which haved to Phillips on the occasion with Grant rendered was that of taking the war perfect generosity, nor did Phillips fail to out of the hands of all the civilians and respond. "In my experience," he said, grasping it in his own. Of finance Lin-" of well-nigh thirty years I have never coln was ignorant, and the story was credible which made him, when told that funds ran low, ask whether the printing. machine had given out. How he would have dealt with the most difficult problem of all, that of Reconstruction, nobody knows. Lincoln's martyrdom to the great cause, combined with the pride felt in exalting an American railsplitter'' above all the statesmanship of the Old World, have, we cannot help thinking, led the Americans to raise Lincoln to an unapproachable pinnacle of glory as a statesman on which, when the final judgment of history is pronounced, he will hardly remain. America may perhaps yet produce a greater man.od Garrison, however, soon recognized the worth of Lincoln's character and

met the anti-slavery man or woman who had struck any effectual blow at the slave system of this country whose action was not born out of the heart and conscience of Wm. Lloyd Garrison." So in spite of the efforts of mischief-makers to stir up rivalry, Paul and Barnabas parted in peace.

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At the close of the year 1865, Garrison set with his own hands the final paragraph to the Valedictory in the last number of The Liberator, the little group in the printing office standing silently round and witnessing the closing act.A more solemn moment there could hardly be in any life.

After this, there came only congratulations and orations, which Garrison accepted with frank delight and without undue elation. He acceptedy also without

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any affected reluctance the very moderate provision which public gratitude made for his old age. In an address of thanks for a watch presented to him as a testimonial, he said that if it had been a rotten egg he should have felt more at home in acknowledging it. A man who has been long inured to abuse may really be disconcerted by praise. It may even at first produce an unpleasant sensations as something strange and suspicious.rotas eft not alg got Garrison lived on to 1879 in quiet retirement, but still taking an interest in public affairs and writing about them in journals. Among other things he vigorously denounced Mr. Blaine, who was bidding for the presidency by advocating the exclusion of the Chinese. We should have liked to hear more, and it is curious that we do not hear more, of his opinions about Reconstruction and of the future of the negro at the South. From one passage we should gather that he recognized the political inferiority of the negroes and had some misgivings, as well he might have, with regard to their capacity for inmediate enfranchisement. When was it ever known," he says in reply to one who had complained of Lincoln's hesitation, "that liberation from bondage was accompanied by a recognition of political equality Chattels personal may be instantly translated from the auction-block into freemen; but when were they ever taken at the same time to the ballot-box and invested with all political rights and immunities? According to the laws of development and progress it is not practicable." Attention to the laws of develop ment and progress might perhaps have modified his language, even about slavery itself, though it need not have changed his practical course. But no reason is given us for doubting that he heartily accepted the measure when it came. His mind, however, was not that of a statesman, nor had he the ken which pierces futurity. He was simply an organ of public morality and the soul of a revolt against a great domination of wrong.olay of Out of the grave of slavery has arisen the terrible problem of the races, and a dark cloud hangs over the future of the Southern States. Some may have begun to doubt whether Garrison's original policy of repealing the Union might not after all have been the best for the North. But whatever may be the issue, there need be

no misgiving as to the measure of gratitude due to the overthrowers of slavery. There lies before ane a copy of the City Ordinances of Atlanta, which fell into the hands doftheft captors when Sherman's army entered the city. It is a hideous monument of the system and dissipates at once any idea that the institution was educational or could have for its object or effect the gradual elevation of the negro. To keep the negro down; to prevent him from plying even any little industry which might raise his condition and give him a taste of independence; to keep him at a level barely above that of a brute beast, is evidently the object of the legislators. The book is instinct with the spirit of a Reign of Terror which must have been as deadly to the character of the white as to that of the slave himself. And by economical necessity, as well as by temper, slavery was not stationary; it was propagandist and aggressive.god odw osod and

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Even the incidents reproduced in this brief notice are enough to show that Garrison was not without his weak points. We can understand that to people of cool temperament and strong political tendencies, even if they were not slave-owners, he may have appeared fanatical. He never takes a historical view of the question, nor does the distinguish between household slavery, which, in the household of a Virginian gentleman such as Washington, was probably not intolerable, and plantation slavery, with its Legrees, which was the real abomination. The particular evil against which he fought was in his eyes the sum of all evils, and its abolition was to bring new heavens and a new earth. This is only saying that he was a moral crusader. But we repeat that of the moral crusader he is an excellent type. We see no trace in his life of the selfishness of vanity or leadership any more than of selfishness of any other kind. Nor amidst all his hard fighting and his vehemence, which under persecution and calumny was sometimes pardonably excessive, does the seem even to have become imbittered. his Valedictory he expresses his pleasure at finding himself no longer in conflict with the mass of his fellow-countrymen, and we have no doubt that he spoke from his heart. As a private citizen he more than fulfilled all righteousness, and his home life seems to have been altogether virtuous, affectionate and sweet.now adt byxia

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The scale of the first two volumes, which threatened portentous length, has not been kept up, and four portly volumes comprise the whole. But four portly volumes are at least three volumes and a half too much for a Life of Garrison which is to be read and to keep his memory alive. These are

the archives of the Anti Slavery Movement which their custodians have no doubt done right in placing in the muniment room of history. Now let them give the world a short life of the leader of that movement. -Macmillan's Magazine.

LITERARY NOTICES.

THE VOYAGE OF H. M. S. BEAGLE. JOURNAL OF RESEARCHES INTO NATURAL HISTORY AND GEOLOGY OF THE COUNTRIES VISITED DURING THE VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD OF H. M. S. BEAGLE, UNDER THE COMMAND OF CAPTAIN FITZ ROY, R. N. By Charles Darwin, M. A., F.R.S., author of "Origin of Species," etc. A new edition. With illustrations by R. T. Prichett of Places Visited and Objects Described. New York: D. Appleton & Company.

The publication of this record first lifted the illustrious Darwin into distinction as a naturalist. The pertness and originality of the writer's views, the greatness of the genius for research displayed, and the simple and vivacious style of his descriptions at once fastened attention on the young historiographer of the Beagle expedition. The readers of " Darwin's Life and Letters," published a few years since, will remember the circumstances under which he accepted the post of naturalist. Dar.win, not long out of Cambridge, and animated with the keenest passion for the study of natural history, was still undecided as to whether he should not yield to the wish of his family, who desired him to study medicine, for which he had a strong repugnance. It was at this juncture that some of his scientific friends, who appreciated the bent of his genius, secured him an offer to take part in the expedition under Captain Fitz Roy, the objects of which were to complete the surveys of Patagonia and Terra del Fuego, begun under Cap. tain King from 1826 to 1830, to survey the coasts of Chili, Peru, and of some islands in the Pacific, and to carry a chain of chronometrical measurements around the world. The study of natural history was a very subsidiary purpose in the expedition, but, as it happens, it was Darwin's connection with the enterprise which now gives it its chief value in the eyes of the scientific world. naturalist left England the last month of 1831,

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and was absent five years.se On the publication of his book he soon became acknowledged as one of the most promising of the younger scientists of Great Britain. It was during this expedition that Darwin conceived the germinal thought which never left him till it flowered into the theory of the origin of species by natural selection; and it was also at this time that he formulated the theory of coral formation, which was his earliest title to the recognition of science as a great naturalist.

The thought that coral reefs are formed through subsidence and not elevation crossed all the current views of Darwin's contemporaries. Dana, the American geologist, with his theory of coral formation by elevation, had converted all the leading scientific men. Sir Charles Lyell, foremost of geologists, had accepted it, and even re-written portions of his masterpiece of work to embody this view. Darwin, therefore, astonished the world by his new theory, which, however, made speedy headway. Lyell finally indorsed it; and Dana, with great magnanimity and justice, promptly fell in accord with the new facts and proofs furnished by Darwin and the Beagle expedition, though the opposing view, for which he had been first responsible, had largely contributed to his fame. It may be regarded now, in passing, as a somewhat singular fact that Darwin's theory of coral formation, which supplanted Dana's, is beginning to suffer discredit at the hands of scientific men, who rather turn again to the early Dana view as a more complete explanation of all the phenomena of the problem.

Darwin's account of the Beagle expedition is graphic and lively, and even the nonscientific reader can hardly fail to be interested. Scientific facts are presented in a style so simple and untechnical that no one need fear attacking the subject; and the sketches of men, manners, and adventures so pleasantly interwoven with the more didactic portions,

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The reputation of Mr. Jerome, one of the latest of the English crop of humorists, appears to us something more than ephemeral in its possibilities. The quips and cranks, the jests and fun of those who labor to make the world laugh, and sometimes sweat drops of blood that others may be amused, have given to literary comedy many a sombre association. The death's head often grins in ghastly fashion under the clown's mask, and perhaps it is the sense of this, stealing through the antic fooling of the jester, which gives some of the pathos that lurks close to humor, fully as much as the fact that humor and pathos, in the very nature of things, have their sources not far apart. Mere buffoonery never pushes down more than a shallow wot, and it dies like all other folly. Newspaper wit, therefore, rarely attains a place in literature, however it may amuse an idle hour and relieve the leaden dulness of the adjoining columns. To be funny at a fixed price per hour is a dreary occupation, and even the richly endowed humorist might well shrink from such a deadly tax on the fountain of mirth. Mr. Jerome seems to have been a contributor to the daily and weekly press, and indeed the writer who does not find a successful outlet in this direction, at least in part, has in general a desperate struggle before him. Mr. Jerome occasionally hints at the needs of professional duties in this line with a sort of desperate earnestness, as if deprecating the effects of the mechanical grind imposed on him. Yet more than most who turn the crank and make the monkeys dance for the groundlings, he has suc

ceeded in retaining much of the unforced and spontaneous quality which gives life to true humor.

His latest lucubrations paint the denizens of Stage Land, that country which looks so splendid and glittering from the front, but which is so bleak, uninteresting and commonplace, tinsel fading into dirt and rags behind the footlights. The contrast is ghastly. Those who wish to enjoy the theatre at its best should never yield to the temptation to go in by the stage door, unless they are compelled to enter as artists. The influence of profession on character and manner would be an interesting study for an essayist, treated from a serious standpoint. Mr. Jerome views it from a funny standpoint, and presents us with a series of suggestive portraits. All men who have had much to do with histrions cannot fail to have noticed in most of them, except among the highest masters of the art, a certain artificiality and exaggeration of demeanor and talk, a disposition to carry something of the pomp and strut of the mimic life of the stage into the life of every day, as if too much gaslight caused them to blink and make faces in the honest light of the sun. This amusing manner, often unconscious and hiding the honest and sincere qualities worthy of cordial esteem, has often been caricatured in novels. Mr. Jerome sketches the different types moulded by stage habits, and the types growing out of dramatic needs, with a lively sense of the grotesque, and his raillery is so good-natured that actors themselves could only be amused by it. The stage lover, the old man, the villain, the old woman, the heavy father, the virtuous man, the chambermaid, and other forms of professional work are happily dashed off with the breadth and vigor of an impressionist painter. It is not quite a gallery of caricatures either; the writer is obliged to use the art of exaggeration to give emphasis to his strokes. We certainly recognize a large element of truth and fact under the fantastic figures placed before us. The field, of course, is limited, and does not offer enough range for the best touches of the humorist genius, but the quality is there even though the gold-foil is beaten out pretty thin. Mr. Jerome has done enough in the two or three books he has published to make the world look for something much better. Perhaps nothing is more interesting in a writer than the impression he gives of large reserves of power-a vein running down into richer and deeper ore. Jerome has this bigness of

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