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which he can take interest. The canefields often come right up to the house; the yard is filled with stacks of megass, or dried canes from which the juice has been expressed, and the estate machinery is within a stone's throw. Next to the canes the barometer and rain-gauge receive the greatest attention. The dread of a hurricane, though none has occurred since the disastrous year 1831, is uppermost in the Barbadian mind, and this cannot be wondered at. The barometer as a rule stands very high, and if it fall to 29°, a hurricane is certain. I remember one day, when the barometer fell just below 291°, that an old gentleman came anxiously up to see if his barometer tallied with others, and perceiving that it did, hastened home and looked to the fittings of his "hurricane bars" lest his windows should be blown in and his house demolished.

For amusement the planter has not a very wide field to select from. There is no sport worthy of the name, so he generally sits down to a comfortable rubber about five o'clock, after his day's work. Whist is a favorite game in Barbados, and loo is also popular; so much so that, as has been already said, it lays the planters open to the charge of being inveterate gamblers. But though this may once have been so, I do not think it can be truly said of them now.

Thus the existence of the gentlemen is, as may be imagined, not a very lively one, but that of the ladies must, I conceive, be more than monotonous. There is little for them to do, and beyond sugar, little to talk about. Dancing is their favorite occupation, and without disrespect to them, I doubt if, as a rule, they, that is the younger ones among them, care for much else. The climate and the meagre resources of the island are mostly to blame for this. English women have no business in the tropics even if English men have.

The life of the planter is not an easy one. He has to be abroad early to go round his estate, and keep a very sharp eye both on canes and negroes. Over and above the ordinary anxieties incident to sugar-planting, and all other cultivation, there are the depredations of the negroes to guard against before the crop is reaped. During crop time he must be in the fields, or in the works, morning, noon, and night. Every Barbadian who does well is sure either to begin or end as a planter. Sugar is the only thing for which they really have a liking; planting is their sole ambition, and the only result is that too many

take up the business with insufficient or borrowed capital, and become heavily involved. Once in the power of the great West Indian firms, which are to the planter what the children of Israel are to the Englishman, he will hardly shake himself free. A life of burden and retrogression is sure to follow, ending sooner or later in complete ruin. Half the property in the island is said to belong to these firms really if not ostensibly, and it being to their interest that estates should not be broken up into small holdings, and that things should remain as they have done for the last two centuries, the island suffers greatly from such an incubus. Happily one great blow has been struck at them by the abolition of the law giving priority to the consignee's lien, which ensured to them the power of keeping estates, to the owners of which they had made advances, in their own hands. The upset price of good sugar land in Barbados is iool. an acre, and the size of estates ranges from about eighty to three hundred acres, one hundred and fifty acres being, so far as I can recollect, about the average. If smaller portions could be bought, many could be worked without borrowed capital; but the Shylocks will not permit this. If a planter fails, and an estate is sold, they will take it all over to prevent its being broken up.

When the planter fails he turns almost invariably to the public service as a means of getting his bread. Throughout the Windward Islands at least, and I suspect throughout the West Indies generally, an impression prevails that the public service is intended to be a refuge to broken-down planters; and this impression it is extremely difficult to remove. A place never falls vacant, from the highest to the lowest, without applications from many who rest their claims solely on the fact that they have failed in everything else; nay, even men who are doing well in other posts will apply, on the supposition that the public will be sufficiently well served if they give up to it, not their whole time, but so much of it as they can spare from their other business; in a word, if they put themselves first and the public second. A great trouble with the Barbadians is the difficulty of persuading them to accept a post in any but their own island. They will not see that in such a small place where nearly every one is more or less nearly related, local associations cannot but prevent a public officer from executing his duty disinterestedly and impartially. It is the more astonishing, for

It is

when Barbadians can be prevailed upon The House of Assembly of Barbados to leave their own public service for that is not the most hard-worked assembly in of another colony, they as a rule do ex- the world. It meets once a week, genertremely well, and bring credit on their ally on Tuesdays at twelve noon, and sits native place. It must be said to the great for three or four hours. It is the func honor of the Barbadian public service, tion of the Assembly to examine, with exthat it is free from the scandals which are treme suspicion, and in most cases to so frequent in those of neighboring isl-oppose, any proposal that emanates from ands. Embezzlement is far too common the governor or the Colonial Office. in many of them, more especially in those where the inhabitants are of mixed French and English origin; but I do not think such a thing would be possible in Barbados, and if Nelson by warding off a French Occupation saved the island from this also, his statue should be covered with gold rather than green paint.

equally one of its functions to ask questions about everything that is done and a good many things that are not done by any Englishman holding an appointment in the public service, or any Barbadian official who is inclined to go strongly with the government; such persons being looked upon always as doubtful charac ters.

It is much to be deplored that the leading gentlemen of the island decline to come forward as candidates for seats in the House, and thus permit them to be

The great glory of the Barbadians is their constitution, which, as they never weary of relating, they have possessed for more than two hundred years. The said constitution is of course formed on the model of our own. There is the gov-filled by men with no stake in the country ernor in place of the sovereign, the Legis. lative Council to represent the House of Lords, and the House of Assembly for the House of Commons.

and utterly unfit for the post. The usual excuse is want of time, and so long as the hours of sitting are from noon onwards there can be no doubt that it is not altogether invalid; for the leading merchants could not, without some inconvenience, leave their offices at the busiest time of

value they set on their so-called constitution and the endless praises that they shower on it, it is not, I think, altogether creditable that they should make no effort to uphold the respectability of its representative Assembly; more especially when it is remembered that the elections are little trouble and less expense, while the whole time for which the House sits during the year does not exceed two hundred hours.

The House of Assembly is, of course, the most important and most self-important of the three. It consists of twentysix members, two for each of the twelve the day. Yet taking into account the parishes into which the island is divided, and two for the city of Bridgetown. It is elected annually, but the elections have long been a complete farce. The number of registered electors in 1882 was about fourteen hundred (out of one hundred and seventy-five thousand people). A few more perhaps had the requisite qualifications but did not care to exercise the privilege, and so this admirably conceived representative assembly has degenerated into an assembly of the planters' nominees. There is no excitement, no trouble taken about it, and a contested election is rare. I remember one when a young man of the old ultra-Conservative Barbadian type opposed a so called government can didate, and was duly elected by, I think, twenty-nine votes to twenty-five; a triumphant majority, which was duly extolled in the pages of the organ of that section.

The House sits in a handsome room in the public buildings. There is no government side and opposition side, but all sit in deep armchairs round a horseshoe table, with the speaker, gowned but not wigged, perched up on a daïs at one end, so that the effect is rather that of a lot of grown-up schoolboys in a luxurious schoolroom.

The Legislative Council is composed of retired members of the lower house and other leading gentlemen in the island nominated by the crown. They have, of course, the distinctive title of "Honorable," but even this often fails to induce the local magnates to accept a seat in the Council; such is their apathy as to the conduct of public business. As is usually the case with upper chambers the Legislative Council has little influence in the management of affairs, so there is no need to dwell on it at any greater length.

The constitution of Barbados was once in imminent peril. This was in the year 1876. The Barbadians are extremely proud of their attitude and general be. havior on that occasion, and never lose an opportunity of exalting themselves and debasing those who were their opponents

in that memorable year. The story is a | enjoy it under the old system is in prog long one, and to any one who knows any-ress, even if it be not already passed. thing of the island, comical in the ex- Another very desirable change is the abo treme, but it is not possible here to give lition or at least reform - of the various more than the barest outline of that petty parochial boards and vestries, to momentous crisis in Barbadian history. which are intrusted, after the model of the Suffice it to say that a governor came out old country, the relief of the poor, the with orders to endeavor to confederate maintenance of the roads, etc. The exthe Windward Islands as had recently istence of such little imperia in imperio been done in the case of the Leewards. within an island of the small size of BarThe four other islands of the group agreed bados is ridiculous, and the work done to part with their constitutions and are under their direction is, as a rule, unsatiscrown colonies at this day, but Barbados | factory and expensive. stood out and refused. It was not unnat- The present governor has accomplished ural that the Barbadians, with greater more during the four years that he has wealth than the other four put together, held that office than could have been exshould be disinclined to devote their re-pected from most men in twenty, but the sources to the benefit of any but them- Barbadians can hardly hope to keep him selves, and so a contest arose between the much longer, and it will depend in great whites, i.e., the dominant body, and the measure on his successor whether the governor. The negroes rose against the work which he may leave to be done will whites, why it is not for me to determine, be satisfactorily completed. For though and began to use violence. A few were Barbados enjoys representative institushot down and order was restored. The tions, yet a good and energetic governor planters lost their heads utterly, became is essential to its prosperity. Whether it frantic with rage and fear, and acted ac be due to dread of opposition, or, as is cording to their dictates. The governor more likely, to unwillingness to disturb kept his head and cared for none of these the old, old order of things, natives of the things, till at last he was recalled amid island are averse to taking any initiative the exultation of the whites and the sor- in the matter of alterations, however cryrow of the blacks. The Barbadians were ing the need for them; but with a tactful and still are jubilant over their victory, governor to show them the way, those but I do not think that either side had that will admit that there are perhaps a much to boast of; and certainly neither few things in the island which are suscan say with truth that it employed none ceptible of improvement, are ready to but fair and honorable means to carry on follow, cautiously enough at first, but the contest. Such is in two words the gradually with more and more confidence. story of the great Barbadian Revolution, The position of the governor is, of and to those who care to know more about course, a thankless one, for no matter how it I would recommend the blue-book treat-genuine and obvious his wish to labor iming of the riots in Barbados in 1876 as most amusing reading. My sympathies in the struggle are, I confess, with the victorious party, but at the same time I do not think it altogether necessary that they should extend against every governor the antipathy which they entertained towards the gentleman who held that office in 1876. Nor, again, is it altogether seemly for a community which is more than ordinarily loyal, and plumes itself openly upon its loyalty, to treasure the remembrance of a not altogether creditable victory over the queen's representative.

partially and disinterestedly for the public good, measures proposed by him are sure to be received with suspicion by almost all, and obstructive opposition by a great many; to say nothing of the uniform scurrility of the press. This last, however, is of no very great importance, and unworthy of notice.

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From such a press, as may be imagined, a governor has little to fear and much that may amuse; but the present governor, I suspect, by his last crowning work for the island, has earned the laudations even of his editorial enemies. Barbados is now at last to be severed Much remains to be done. The exist- from the rest of the Windward Islands, ing poor law is hopelessly inadequate and and erected into a separate government, inefficient, and a stringent bastardy law retaining all its old privileges, and gaining is much needed. Together with these, a in addition the advantage of enjoying the scheme of emigration will be advisable, if exclusive attention of the gentleman apnot absolutely necessary. A bill extend-pointed to represent the sovereign therein. ing the franchise to many who did not The other Windward Islands will also be

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constituted into a separate government, | attack of pleurisy, with inflammation of and, it is to be hoped, confederated an the right lung. During the last twelve arrangement which will be for the profit hours he has been free from pain, and his of all concerned. Thus the Barbadians strength is maintained." Thursday mornare at last freed from the hated phantom ing a bulletin was issued saying: Mr. of confederation which for so long has Fawcett has had a restless night. In adhaunted them, and placed itself between dition to the pleuro-pneumonia there is the people and the governor. What a increased bronchial irritation. The gencontrast in the last ten years! When the eral condition gives ground for anxiety." island was hopelessly behind the age, and In the afternoon Sir Andrew Clark_was likely to go from bad to worse, the only summoned to Cambridge to see Mr. Fawremedy which the Colonial Office could cett in consultation with Drs. Paget and suggest was confederation. This was Latham. When Sir. A. Clark arrived he fiercely combated and successfully re- found that Mr. Fawcett was dying, and jected, and now comes the irony of the very soon afterwards the end came. Mrs. result. The old colony has since advanced Garrett-Anderson, Mr. Fawcett's sister-insteadily in the right direction, and con- law, had been in attendance since Wednestinues to advance; and this by leaving it day. Mr. Shaw-Lefevre is temporarily to enjoy its unique position, and substitut- acting as postmaster-general. ing absolute isolation for compulsory conjunction with other colonies.

Even Barbados, though, as has been already said, spared the curse of invasion, can show only too many memorials of the victims of hurricanes and the dreaded yellow fever. So recently as 1881 the latter appeared and the garrison suffered heavily, as did also the civilians. The Barbadians, however, faced the enemy like men, and never for a moment gave way to panic, though such visitations are now very rare. With full confidence in their island, which is, as they know, the healthiest of those around, they "came up smiling," and did not allow themselves, if spared by the epidemic, to die of fear. Thus happy then in the enjoyment of a good climate, able leaders, and an overflowing treasury, they need but two things to ensure their future prosperity, good governors and good fortune, both of which I most heartily wish them.

The premature and lamented death of the Right Hon. Henry Fawcett, M.P., has removed from the sphere of Parliamentary life a notable figure. The deceased, who was the son of Mr. W. Fawcett, J.P., of Salisbury, was born on August 26, 1833, so that at the time of his death he was in his fifty-second year. The elder Fawcett was one of the earliest members of the AntiCorn Law League, and he was well known to and esteemed by Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright. When he had attained his eightieth year he was still an excellent and effective speaker. He appears to have transmitted something of his own fine, robust constitution to his son, who ― until suddenly struck down by illness a short time ago, and now again by the attack which has had a melancholy and fatal result-enjoyed the most perfect physical health and spirits. Educated first at a local school near Salisbury, Henry Fawcett was sent, at the age of fourteen, to Queenwood College, Hampshire, where Professor Tyndall chanced to be a teacher at the time. In his seventeenth year the young student entered at King's College, London, and it was during his residence here that his imagination was first fired IT is with deep regret that we announce by the desire to embark upon a Parlia the death of the Right Hon. Henry Faw-mentary life. In 1852 he proceeded to cett, M.P., the postmaster-general, which Trinity Hall, Cambridge, and here the occurred at half past five o'clock, Novem- ability and enthusiasm he displayed were ber 13, at his residence, 18 Brookside, such that the most sanguine hopes were Cambridge, from pleuro-pneumonia. Mr. Fawcett, who rode fourteen miles last Saturday, was seized on the following day with an attack of pleurisy, accompanied by inflammation of the lungs. On Wednesday morning Dr. Paget and Dr. Latham, who were attending him, issued the following bulletin: "Mr. Fawcett has been suffering since Sunday last from a sharp

From The Times.

THE DEATH OF MR. FAWCETT.

indulged in for his future. Alike at Cambridge as elsewhere, Mr. Fawcett's motto seems to have been mens sana in cor pore sano, and he was passionately fond of all healthy athletic exercises. For nearly four years he remained at the university, graduating in 1856 with high mathematical honors, being seventh wrangler, and in the same year he was elected

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a fellow of his hall. On leaving Cam- | example, a prominent part in the proceed.
bridge, Mr. Fawcett went to London, ings of the British Association and the
where he began studying for the bar. He Social Science Association. He was en-
made no secret, however, of his distaste couraged to persevere in his economic
for the profession, which he would not studies by Mr. Mill and Mr. Cobden, and
have adopted save as a stepping-stone to a speech which he delivered on "Co-oper-
a career in Parliament. He was already ation" at the meeting of the Social Sci-
much more enamored of questions affect- ence Congress at Glasgow, drew high
ing philosophy and political economy, and praise from Lord Brougham and other
was an ardent admirer and student of the critics. He also delivered at Exeter Hall
writings of John Stuart Mill.
an admirable address on trade unionism,
On September 17, 1858, it was the terri- during the period of the great builders'
ble misfortune of Mr. Fawcett, sep., un- strike in London, and this at once consti-
wittingly to deprive his son of the greatest tuted him one of the ablest and most
physical blessing which man enjoys the trusted friends and advocates of the work.
privilege of sight. They were out par- ing classes. In 1861, on the death of Sir
tridge-shooting together, when two stray Charles Napier, member for Southwark,
shots from the father's gun struck the Mr. Fawcett made his first effort to get
face of his son, the sad and singular result into Parliament for that borough. He
being that the centre of each eye was per- resolved not to contest the seat on the
fectly pierced by the shot. In a moment paid agency principle, and this and other
Mr. Fawcett was rendered quite blind, the things weighed against him, especially
eyes being completely destroyed. Most the circumstance that he did not specifi-
men, in the face of such a calamity, would cally pledge himself to go to the poll. In
have been overwhelmed by their feelings the end he retired from the contest, and
and plunged into irremediable despair.
With Mr. Fawcett it was quite different.
While feeling the deprivation keenly, in a
short time he recovered his usual elastic-
ity of spirits, and was far less afflicted by
the melancholy event than his sorrowing
father. The accident occurred on a spot
overlooking Salisbury Cathedral, and the
last gleam of nature Mr. Fawcett was able
to perceive was thus associated with his
native place. Facing the future with a
brave heart, in the course of a few weeks
he had resolved upon his course of action.
His general health was not at all injured
by his accident, and he returned to Cam-
bridge University, where he devoted him-
self to the systematic study of political
economy. With the aid of a reader, who
now became his constant companion, and
subsequently by the aid also of his de-
voted wife, he was able to minimize the
evil effects of the accident. In just a
twelvemonth after the occurrence he at
tended the meetings of the British Asso-
ciation at Aberdeen. Here he read, or
rather spoke, a paper upon "The Eco-
nomic Effects of the recent Gold Discov-
eries." As this paper was full of elabo
rate statistics, the extraordinary strength
and retentiveness of the speaker's memory
were tested in a very remarkable degree;
but he mastered all his difficulties, and
surprised his hearers by the readiness
with which he also answered the objec-
tious advanced against his theories.

Having thus broken the ice, he now appeared frequently in public, taking, for

Mr. Layard was returned. In 1863 Mr. Fawcett contested the borough of Cambridge, but lost by eighty votes. The same year appeared his "Manual of Political Economy," and he was also at this time a voluminous contributor of articles on economic and political science to the leading reviews and magazines. He was elected in 1863 professor of political economy in Cambridge University, and about the same period made a third unsuccessful attempt to get into the House of Commons, contesting the representa. tion of Brighton. During the American Civil War he was a warm supporter of the cause of the North, speaking forcibly on her behalf on several occasions. At the general election of 1865 Mr. Fawcett's wish was gratified, as he was now returned to Parliament for Brighton by a majority of five hundred over his Conservative opponent. Re-elected in 1868, at the general election of 1874 he was rejected, Brighton being one of those constituencies which felt the wave of the Conservative reaction in that year. He obtained a seat for Hackney, however, in April, 1874, and this borough he continued to represent until his death.

Mr. Fawcett was an effective speaker, though he somewhat lacked fervor. His maiden speech in the House of Commons was delivered in connection with the Whig Reform Bill of 1866. This bill he warmly approved of as a wise and just concession to the claims of the working classes. He made a smart and effective attack upon

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