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[April, Here fire and flood, and storm and plague For him she strews the mountain path with combine,
[bowers ; " And tenfold darkness broods above our And decks with fresher greens her faded Here Dryburn's b fatal tree bears bitter And oft she leads, by tracks long since fruit,
[spot, (of evil stem came ever evil shoot.) To some sequester'd grot, some long lost The bold moss-trooper feels the felon's Some green Oasis midst the desert sand, pain,
Where gushing waters bless a burning And swart Egyptians c die for sordid gain.
landHere worse than death, by fluod, fire, Calypso's f Isle, by silver seas embrac'd, storm, plague, tide,
Her forests tow'ring o'er the wat'ry waste. Nic Ward " was unfortunately smoor’d in When erst wide wasting Harry's scepter'd a draw-well in his father's own
(the land, backside d.”
Laid spire and cloister prostrate through Deem not devoid of elegance the wight, When Minster chimes rangi their own fuWho wastes o'er toils like these his ta
[their cells, per's light,
And Monks, like bees, died smother'd in And, distant from the noisy haupts of As o'er the land the baleful Simoon came, mirth,
And Abbey Ledgers crackled in the fame; Now dries his musty folios on the hearth; Then, like the spear of Thetis' god-like Now turns with trembling touch his tal
[had doue, ter'd store,
Whose rust 8 could cure the ills it's edge And sifts the sand, to gain the golden ore : Cromwell h, who sternly govern'd poop Not small the skill to fine away the dross,
[realm;" The unwrought mass to polish and emboss; Bade“ Registers be kept throughout the Retrace each touch, aud all the work re. Then each incumbent gat him grey goose. fine,
[fill. Till the rich metal yield to the design. And “boke of pergamene," and wrote his Nor small the joy with eager eye to catch No longer tape-worm lines i deform each Some clinching date, or prove some dubious
stem, match ;
But sprouting cadets fill the folio's hem. To solve each doubt, make stubborn facts From tower lo town, in good or evil case, agree,
With ease the branching progeny we trace : Votwist the linked bouts of pedigree; From blacksmiths, knighisk, from merAnd, on a point where Garter's self might chants, peers!, extract,
And quote the Register for every fact. Quote-fearless qnote, the Parish Register! Th' unerring Register solves ev'ry doubt, And fairer palins Antiquity displays, And when the 'squire's of age, the murTo lure the student to her winding ways;
a " Heber's Palestine."
5 The place of execution near Durham. • See St. Nicholas's Register, Durbam. d See Hartlepool Register.
e How pleasing wears the wintry night,
Spent with the old illustrious dean. -Akenside. # The name of this retired nymph “not obvious, not obtrusive, she” is derived from XA AUTTW to conceal, to hide; and she evidently means nothing more than the veiled Goddess of Antiquity personified. She is also fermed dia TECW & Wotva, to signify the refined and elevated nature of the studies over which she presides.
8 See with what appropriate feeling the antiquary recommends rust as the panacea for every disorder.
la Parish Registers were first introduced by an order of Thomas Lord Cromwell, 1538 ; but they did not come generally into use until the reign of Queen Elizabeth, who issued injunctions concerning them, in the 1st, 7th, and 3911 years of ber reign.
Oliver Cromwell was particularly careful of Parish Registers; and a person was, elected in each parish for the express purpose of keeping them; which makes a writer in the Elwick Register with great feeling exclaim, “ Maryinge by justices, election of registers by parishioners, and the use of ruling elders, first came into fashion io the time of rebellion, under that monster of nature, and bludy tyrant, Oliver Cromwell !!”
i A thin pedigree, in antiquarian language, is thus denominated.
k The Coles of Galeshead, originally blacksmiths, afterwards baronets and owners of Brauspeth Castle.
1 Baron Ravensworth. This family, like many others of the greatest respectability in the county, were originally merchants at Newcastle.
[ 353 ]
SPEECH OF THE RIGHT HON. GEORGE CANNING.
The following is an abstract of the in itself of a most painful nature, but Speech delivered by the Right Hop. powerful in aiding and confirming the imGeorge Canning, on Saturday the pressions which the assembling and the 18th ult. at the Music Hall, in Bold- proceedings of Parliament were calculated street, Liverpool ; where nearly 200
to produce. I mean the loss which the gentlemen had met, for the purpose Sovereign, with whose person all that is
Nation has sustained by the death of a of celebrating the re-election of their distinguished Representative. The
venerable iu Monarchy has been identified sentiments adduced are so congenial his subjects : a Sovereign whose good.
in the eyes of successive generations of to our own, that it is with considerable satisfaction we record them :
ness, whose years, whose sorrows and suf
ferings must have softened the heart of “ Gentlemen,-Short as the interval is the most ferocious enemies of kingly since I last met you in this place on a si power; — whose active virtues, and the milar occasion, the events which have memory of whose virtues, when it pleased filled up that joterval have not been un Divine Providence that they should be important. The great moral disease which active no more, have been the guide and we then talked of as gaining ground on guardian of his people, through many a the community, has, since ihat period, weary and 'many a stormy pilgrimage ;arrived at its most extravagant height; scarce less a guide, and quite as much a and, since that period also, remedies have guardian, in the cloud of his evening darkbeen applied to it, if not of permanent ness as in the brightness of his meridian cure, at least of temporary mitigation. day.
“ Gentlemen, it has been one advan Every effort has been industriously tage of the transactions of the last Session employed to persuade the Country, that of Parliament, that while they were ad. their liberties have been essentially dressed to meet the evils which had grown abridged by the regulation of popular out of charges heaped upon the House of meetings. Against that one of the meaCommons, they have also, in a great mea sures passed by Parliament it is that the sure, falsified the charges themselves. I attacks of the Radical Reformers have would appeal to the recollection of every been particularly directed. · Gentlemen, man who now hears me, of any the most the first answer to this averment is, that careless estimator of public sentiment, or the Act leaves untouched all the constituthe most indifferent spectator of public tional modes of assembly which have been events, whether any country, in any two known to the Nation since it became free. epochs, however distant, of its history, We are fond of dating our freedom from ever presented such a contrast with itself the Revolution. I should be glad to know, as this country in November 1819, and in what period since the Revolution (up this country in January 1820 ?
to a very late period indeed, which I will “ What was the situation of the coun. specify), in what period of those reigns try in November 1819 ? Do I exaggerale growing out of the Revolution—I mean, when I say, that there was not a man of of the first reigns of the House of Brunsproperty who did not tremble for his pos
wick-did it enter into the head of man, sessions ? that there was not a man of re that such meetings could be holden, or tired and peaceable babits who did not that the Legislature would tolerate the tremble for the tranquillity and security holding of such meetings, as disgraced the of his home?
country for six months previous to the Well, Gentlemen, and what has inter last Session of Parliament? When, therevened between the two periods ? A calling fore, it is asserted, that such meetings of that degraded Parliament, a meeting of were never before suppressed, the simple that scoffed-at and derided House of Com answer is, they were never before atmons, a concurrence of those three tempted. branches of an imperfect constitution, not “ I verily believe,' the first meeting of one of which, if we are to believe the Ra. the kind that was ever called (I know of dical Reformers, lived in the hearts, or none anterior to it) was that called by swayed the feelings, or commanded the Lord George Gordon, in St.George's-fields, respect of the Nation ; but which, despised in the year 1780, which ended in the deas they were when they were in a state of molitiou of chapels and dwelling-houses, separation and inaction, did, by a co the breaking of prisons, and the conflagra. operation of four short weeks, restore tion of Landon. Was England never free order, coufidence, a reverence for the laws, till 1780 ? Diil British Liberty spring to and a just sense of their own legitimate light from the ashes of the Metropolis ? authority.
What! was there no Freedom in the reign “ Another event, indeed, has intervened, of George the Second? None in that of Gent. Mag. April, 1820.
Mr. Canning's Speech at Liverpool. [April, George the First ? None in the reign of meetings have been holdea. The Law Queen Anne or of King William ?. Be prescribes a corporate character. The yond the Revolution I will not go; but I callers of these meetings have always stu. have always heard, that British Liberty diously avoided it. No summous of free. was established loog before the commence holders- none of freemen-one of the ment of the late reign; nay, that in the inbabitants of particular places or palate reign (according to popular poli. rishes-no acknowledgment of local or ticians) it rather suok and retrograded; political classification. Just so at the and yet, never till that reign was such an beginning of the French Revolution : the abuse of popular meetings dreamt of, first work of the Reformers was to loosen much less erected into a right not to be every established political relation, every questioned by Magistrates, and not to be legal holding of man to man, to destroy controlled by Parliament.
every corporation, to disperse every set“ Do I deny, then, the general right of tled class of society, and to reduce the the people to meet, to petition, or to delia nation into individuals, 'in order, afterberate upon their grievances? God for- wards, to congregate them into mobs. bid! But right is not a simple, abstract, How monstrous it is to confound such positive, unqualified term. Rights are in meetings with the genuine and recognized the same individual to be compared with modes of collecting the sense of the Enga his duties; and rights in one person are lish people! Was it by meetings such as to be balanced with the rights of others. these that the Revolution was brought Now let us take the right to meet in its about, the great event to which our anta. most extended construction. The per- gonists are so fond of referring ? Was it sons who called the meeting at Manches by a meeting in St. George's fields ? in ter tell you, tbat they had a right to cola Spa-fields ? in Smithfield ? Was it by lect together countless multitudes to dis untold multitudes collected in a village in cuss the question of Parliamentary Re the North ? No; it was by meetings of form: to collect them when they would, corporations in their corporate capacity; and where they would, without consent of by the assembly of recognized bodies of Magistrates, or coucurrence of inhabitants, the State ; by the interchange of opinions or reference to the comfort and conve among portions of the community known nience of the neighbourhood. Now may to each other, and capable of estimating not the peaceable, the industrious inba each other's views and characters. Do bitaut of Manchester say, “ I have a right we want a more striking mode of remedyto quiet in my house; I have a right to ing grievances than this? Do we require carry on my manufactory, on which not a more animating example? And did it my existence only and that of my children, remain for the Reformers of the present but that of my workmen and their numer day to strike out the course by which ous families depends. I have a right to alone Great Britain could make and keep be protected in the exercise of this my herself free? lawful calling. I have a right to be pro Gentlemen, all power is, or ought to tected, not against violence and plunder be, accompanied by responsibility. Tyonly, against fire and sword, but against ranny is irresponsible power. This defithe terror of these calamities, and against nition is equally true, whether the power the risk of those inflictions; against the be lordged in one or many; whether in a intimidation or seduction of my work despot, exempted by the form of governmen; against the distraction of that at went from the controul of law; or in a tention and the disturbance of that in mob, whose numbers put them beyond dustry, without which neither they nor I the reach of law. Idle, therefore, and ab. can gain our livelihood. I call upon the surd to talk of freedom where a mob do. laws to afford me that protection : and if mineers! Idle, therefore, and absurd to the laws in this country cannot afford it, talk of liberty, when you hold your prodepend upon it, I and my manufactures perty, perhaps your life, not indeed at the must migrate to some country where they nod of a despot, but at the will of an in.
Here is a conflict of rights, between flamed, an infuriated populace! If, therewbich, what is the decision? Which of fore, during the reign of terror at Man. the two claims is to give way? Can any chester or at Spa-fields, there were per. reasonable being doubt? Can any honest sons in this country who had a right to man hesitate ? Let private justice or pub- complain of tyranny, it was they who jic expediency decide, and can the deci- loved the Constitution, who loved the Mosion by possibility be other than that the narchy, but who dared not utter their opipeaceable and industrious shall be pro nions or their wishes until their houses tected, the turbulent and mischievous put were barricadoed, and their children sent down?
to a place of safety. That was tyranny! “ It is not in consonance, but in con and, so far as the mobs were under the tradiction to the spirit of the law, that such controul of a leader, that was despotismo!
1820.) Mr. Canning's Speech at Lirerpool.
35$ And it was against that tyranny, that des. septly) have nothing to do. The Radical potism, that Parliament at length rajsed Reformer would probably give to my first its arm.
question an answer very different from “ Perhaps a moderate Reformer that which I have supposed his moderate Whig will observe, that he means only to brother to give. He will tell me fairly, restore the House of Commons to what it not that he means to briog the House of was at some former period. I then beg to Commons back ejther to the share of ask, and to that question also I have power which it formerly enjoyed, or to never get received an answer, 'At what the modes of election by which it was forperiod of our history was the House of merly returned, but to make it what, ac. Commons in the state to which you wish cording to him, it ought to be, a direct, to restore it?'
effectual representative of the people ; re“ The House of Commons may, for the presenting them not as a delegate compurpose of this argument, be considered missioned to take care of their interests, in two views : first, with respect to its but as a deputy appointed to speak iheir agency as a third part in the Constitu- will. Now, to this view of the matter ! tion ; secondly, with respect to its compo. have no other objection than this--that sition, in relation to its constituents. As the British Constitution is a limited Mo. to its agency as a part of the Constitu- narchy ; that a limited Monarchy is, in tion, I venture to say, without hazard, as the nature of things, a mixed GovernI believe, of contradiction, that there is no ment; but that such a House of Comperiod in the history of this country in mons as the Radical Reformer requires, which the House of Commons will be found would, in effect, constitute a pure demoto have occupied so large a share of the cracy, with which I am at a loss to under: functions of Governnient, as at present. stand how any Monarchy, or any limitaWbalever else may be said of the House tion could co-exist. I may have great of Commons, this one point, at least, is respect for the person who theoretically indisputable, that from the earliest in- prefers a Republick to a Monarchy. fancy of the Constitution, the power of If Government be a matter of will, all the House of Commons has been growing we have to do is to collect the will of the till it has almost, like the rod of Aaron, Nation, and, having collected it by an absorbed its fellows. I am not saying adequate organ, that will is paramount whether this is or is not as it ought to be. and supreme. By what shadow of argu. I merely mean to say why I think that it ment could the House of Lords be maincannot be intended to complain of the tained in equal authority and jurisdiction want of power, and of a due share in the with the House of Commons, when once Government in the House of Commons. that House of Commons should become a
“ I admit, however, very williogly, that mere deputation, speaking the people's will, the greater share of power it exercises, and that will the rule of the Government? In the more jealous we ought to be of its one way or other the House of Lords must composition ; and I presume, therefore, act, if it be to remain a concurrent branch that it is in this respect, and in relation to of the Legislature. Either it must uni. its constituents, that the state of the House formly affirm the measures which come of Commons is contended. to want revi. from the Commons, or it must occasionsion. Well, then, at what period of our ally take the liberty to reject them. If it history was the composition of the House uniformly affirm, it is without the pretence of Commons materially different from of authority. But to presume to reject what it is at present? Is there any pe an act of the deputies of the whole Na. riod of our history in which the rights of tion !-by what assumption of right could election were not as various, and in which three or four hundred great proprietors set the influence of property was not as die themselves against the National will ? rect, in which recommendations of candi- Grant the Reformers, then, what they ask, dates were not as efficient, and some bo on the principles on wbich they ask it, voughs as close, as they are now? I ask and it is utterly impossible that, after such for information : but that information, a Reform, the Constitution should long plain and simple as it is, and necessary, consist of more than one body, and that one should think, to a clear understand one body a popular assembly. ing, much more, to a grave decision of “Why, Gentlemen, is this theory? or the point at issue, I never, though solicit- is it a theory of mine? If there be among ing it with all humility, have ever yet those who hear me (as any man in the been able to obtain from any Reformer, generous en’husiasm of youth may blame. Radical or Whig.
lessly have been) any man who has been " The Radical Reformer, indeed, to do · bitten by the doctrines of Reform, i imhim justice, is not bound to furnish me plore him, before he goes forward in his with an answer to this question, because, progress to embrace those doctrines in with his view of the matter, precedents their radical extent, to turn to the history (except one which I shall mention pre- of the transactious in this country ia the
Mr. Canning's Speech at Liverpool. [April, year 1648, and to examine the bearings of I hold it to be frantic to suppose that, Those transactions on this very question from the election of Members of Parlia. of Radical Reform. He will find, Gentle. ment, you can altogether exclude, by any men, that the House of Commons of that contrirance, even if it were desirable to day passed the following Resolution : do so, the influence of property, raok, la
6. Resolved, That the people are, un lents, family connexion, and whatever der God, the original of all just power !! else, in the radical language of the day, is
“ Well, can any sentiment be more considered as jutimidation or corruption. just and reasonable? Is it not the founda I believe, that if a Reform to the extent Lion of all the liberties of mankind ? Be of that demanded by the Radical Reform
Let us proceed. The House of ers were granted, you would, before an Commons followed up this Resolution by annual election came round, find that a second, which runs in something like there were new connexions grown up which these terms :
you must again destroy, new influence " • Resolved, That the Commons of acquired which you must dispossess of its England assembled in Parliament, being authority, and that in these fruitless atchosen by and representing the people, tempts at unattainable purity you were have the supreme authority of this Na- working against the natural current of tion.'
human nature. “ In this Resolution leap is taken “I would have by choice—if the choice from the premises of the Radical Reform were yet to be made-I would have in the ers to a conclusion which I know not how House of Commons great variety of intethey are to deny, especially with such a rests, and I would have them find their precedent before them. But the infer way by a great variety of rights of elecence did not stop there. The House of tion; satisfied that uniformiiy of election Commons proceeded to resolve (and I would produce any thing but a just reprewish I could see the logical discrepancy sentation of various interests. As to the between the premises and the conclusion), close boroughs, I know that through them
“ « That whatsoever is enacted and dto have found their way into the House of clared law by the Commons of Eogland Commons men whose talents have been assembled in Parliament, hath the force an honour to their kind, and whose names of law, and binds the people of England, are interwoven with the history of their without the consent and concurrence of the country. I cannot think that system alLords or of the Crown.'
together vicious wbich has produced such “ Such was the theoretical inference of fruits. I cannot think that there should the House of Commons in 1648, the lo be but one road into that assembly, or gical dependance of which upon the pre that no man should be presumed fit for mises laid down by them, I say, I should the deliberation of a Senate, who has not be glad to see logically disproved. The had the nerves previously to face the practical inferences were not tardy in storms of the bustings. their arrival, after the theory. In a few But, Gentlemen, though the question weeks the House of Lords was voted use of Reform is made the pretext of those less; and in a few more we all know what
persons who have vexed the country for became of the Crown.
some months, I verily believe that there “Such, I say, were the radical doc are very few even of them who either trines of 1648, and such the consequences give credit to their own exaggerations, or to which they naturally led. If we are care much about the improvements which induced to admit the same premises now, they recommend. Why, do we not see who is it, I should be glad to know, that that the most violent of the Reformers of is to guarantee us agaiost similar conclu- the day are aiming at seats in that Assions ?
sembly which, according to their own “ I have no sort of objection to doing, theories, they should have left to wallow as Parliament has often done (supposing in its own pollution, discountenanced and always the case to be proved), to disfran unredeemed ? It is true, that if they had chising a borough, and rendering it inca found their way there, they might bave pable of abusing its franchise in future. endeavoured to bring us to a sense of our I will take away a franchise, because it misdeeds, and to urge us to redeem our has been practically abused, not because character by some self-condemning ordiI am at all prepared to inquire into the nance: but would not the authority of origin, or to discuss the utility of all such their names, as our associates, bave more franchises, any more than I mean to in than counterbalanced the force of their quire, Gentlemen, into your titles to your eloquence as our Reformers ? estates. Disfranchising Grampound (if that “ But, Gentlemen, I am for the whole is to be so), I mean to save Old Sarum. Constitution. The Liberty of the Subject
I am for the House of Commons as a as much depends on the maintenance of part and not as the whole of the Govern the Constitutional Prerogatives of the ment. And, as a part of the Government, Crown, on the acknowledgment of the