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government departments; its telegraphic despatches are furnished by the Ministers of the Interior and of Foreign Affairs; and its foreign letters are compiled in Paris, from the reports of the diplomatic agents at the foreign courts. The Emperor himself contributes frequently to its columns, and many of the laconic, “Emersonian," sphinx-like communiqués, printed on the first page, and indicating, on critical occasions, the policy of the government, are known to emanate from the private cabinet of the Emperor.

Théophile Gautier is the leading feuilletoniste of the Moniteur, and it is needless to say that he discharges his duties as such with eminent ability. He used to be very popular, and his talents still command general admiration; but his defection from the liberal opinions which he formerly professed has cost him a large share of the esteem in which he used to be held. His predecessor was the Italian Fiorentino, who died a few years ago, and who was remarkable both for his literary ability and the bare-faced impudence with which he black-mailed actors, actresses, ballet-dancers, painters, authors-in short, every one whom he could injure or benefit by his criticisms in the Moniteur. It seems incredible that these extortions were submitted to for ten years and longer by the most prominent representatives of art and literature, with but one memorable exception, viz., Madame Alboni, who responded to Fiorentino's demands by having him ejected from her rooms. For the rest, his black-mailing operations proved so profitable that this Bohemian, who used to be one of Alexandre Dumas' employés, and who never received a very large salary, was at the time of his death possessed of the snug fortune of half a million francs, which he left to his illegitimate son. The last article he ever wrote was a spiteful criticism on Victor Hugo's "Shakespeare," winding up with the remark that, after reading the book, "he had yawned terribly, and felt bored to death." A day or two afterward he was dead.

There are two daily editions of the Moniteur; the large Moniteur appears every morning; the small edition (Petit Moniteur) is issued early in the evening. The weekly review of foreign affairs, so often alluded to in the cable despatches, appears in the evening edition, and is written by an under-secretary of the Foreign Office. The Government has taken great pains to extend the circulation of the Petit Moniteur, and some time ago it tried to injure the circulation of the liberal papers by sending the Petit Moniteur free through the post (contrary to law) to all its country subscribers, and engaging Ponson du Terrail, now by all odds the most popular French romancist, to write a serial tale for its feuilleton. It was hoped that this would raise the subscription-list to at least three or four hundred thousand copies. These hopes, however, were doomed to disappointment. The circulation of the Petit Moniteur would not rise much above sixty thousand copies, while that of the large Moniteur has for years been about twenty thousand copies.

Foremost among the semi-official organs is the Constitutionnel. It is the special organ of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, but it does, at the same time, all the heavy work in defending the Government in all the important questions of domestic policy. Its chief editor is Paulin Limayrac, a stately, ornate writer, who certainly displays great skill in defending in his finelywritten leaders the crooked and, often, inconsistent policy of Napoleon III. The opposition press, which dares not attack the Government itself, delights in pouring out the vials of its wrath upon the Government's chosen champion; hence, M. Limayrac is the best abused and best ridiculed editor in all Paris. He defends himself like a little hero, but is sometimes singularly indiscreet in his tilts with the doughty knights of the opposition press. Some time ago he was audacious enough to attack Girardin, who spiked his guns at once by republishing the hard things Limayrac had written many years about

Louis Napoleon. Even worse was the punishment he received at the hands of M. de Riancourt, of the Union, who asserted that Limayrac had repeatedly been disavowed by the Moniteur. Limayrac denied this strenuously, and offered, finally, in an editorial in the Constitutionnel, a reward of one hundred thousand francs to whoever should prove the contrary. Riancourt did prove it, but the reward was not paid, the proprietors of the Constitutionnel refusing to redeem the promises of their editor-in-chief.

The circulation of the Constitutionnel is now about ten thousand copies-a large falling-off from what it was under Dr. Véron's management, when Sue and Dumas published their great romances in the feuilleton, which was, besides, rendered famous by Saint-Beuve's excellent Causeries du Lundi.

The principal stockholder of the Constitutionnel is now again Mirès, the notorious banker, who for some time past has recovered most of his former prestige, and who controls likewise the Presse, formerly Girardin's famous organ, but now a rather dull semi-official sheet, presided over by M. CuchevalClarigny. The latter who, in times gone by, had written a number of clever political pamphlets, was believed to have access to the highest diplomatic circles and the Presse, it was confidently expected, would acquire fresh vitality under his management. These expectations, however, were not to be fulfilled. Except a few sensational articles which proved to be canards of the finest breed, the Presse had not been remarkable for any thing but a certain stately dulness and the rapid decrease of its subscription-list, which is now less than seven thousand, about one tenth of what it was in the palmiest days of Girardin's management.

must be said that it is certainly least distinguished for editorial, and, withal, is one of the meanest journals in the capital. During our civil war, the Patrie displayed the most venomous hostility toward the United States, and its columns teemed daily with the most astounding falsehoods in regard to the Union cause. When the news of Lincoln's assassination reached Paris, the Patrie published a truly atrocious article on the terrible event.

The France is the personal organ of the Vicomte de la Guéronnière, well known as one of the most eloquent members of the French Senate, and one of the leaders of the liberal wing of the Bonapartists. In former times, M. de la Guéronnière was an intimate friend of Napoleon III., who, on several memorable occasions, availed himself of the Vicomte's great talents as a pamphleteer, and caused him especially to write the famous brochure on Italian affairs, in 1859, which had a larger sale than any other pamphlet ever published in France, or in Europe. All his subsequent pamphlets were likewise eagerly bought, and M. de la Guéronnière acquired by his writings quite a fortune, with which he established his present journal, the France. At first it was very successful. In his editorials he displayed the same ability that had characterized his pamphlets, and his intimacy with the Emperor lent an additional charm to his pen. Latterly; however, there has been an estrangement between him and Napoleon, and his paper is now no longer recognized as a reliable government organ, and his subscription-list is decreasing. It is between six and seven thousand at the present time, and still yields the proprietor a moderate income.

M. Auguste Vitu, formerly a member of the staff of the Constitutionnel, startThe Patrie is the leading evening ed two years ago the Etendard, and has paper, and has a circulation of about thus far met with good success, notfourteen thousand copies. It was sold withstanding the somewhat weak chartwo or three years ago for three hun- acter of its political matter. Its sucdred thousand dollars, and is con- cess is principally owing to a number sidered one of the best paying papers of charming sketches of a local and in Paris, though, at the same time, it literary character, a great many of

which have been republished in England and America, and which have secured the Etendard a handsome circulation throughout France.

Little need be said about the Situation, founded by the agents of the exking of Hanover for the special purpose of advocating a war between France and Prussia. It has neither been distinguished for great ability, nor met with even moderate success. It is only taken by two or three thousand subscribers, and will probably be short-lived. Its first manager, Hollaender, a German Jew, died a few months since.

The Pays, which has the smallest circulation of any daily paper in Paris, has gained considerable notoriety since Granier de Cassagnac, two years ago, became its managing editor. His career as a journalist is one of the strangest. Some forty years ago, M. Granier de Cassagnac was Professor of Belles-Lettres at the University of Toulouse, where he edited at the same time a small literary periodical, and wrote a great many sentimental poems. Some malicious wag, assuming Victor Hugo's name, wrote him a number of fulsome letters, eulogizing his talents as a poet and editor, and finally announcing to the young professor that he (the pseudo-Hugo) had induced one of the cabinet ministers to confer on him a lucrative ministerial appointment in Paris. So adroitly had these forged letters been framed, that Granier de Cassagnac was completely duped thereby; he resigned his professorship, sold his paper, and came to Paris in order to enter upon the duties of his new position. On introducing himself to Victor Hugo, he found out, of course, in how heartless a manner he had been victimized. Victor Hugo had pity on his distress, and procured him a position as reporter for the Journal des Débats. Granier's ability soon gained him considerable distinction, and he speedily ranked among the leading journalists; his violence and bitterness, however, always prevented him from achieving a solid success, and no

paper flourished under his management. It has lately been ascertained that he acted as mouchard under Louis Philippe, which did not prevent him from espousing the cause of Louis Napoleon as soon as the latter had been elected President of the Republic. His journalistic services were rewarded by a seat in the Legislative Body, where Granier distinguishes himself chiefly by the noisy blackguardism with which he is in the habit of interrupting the great orators of the opposition. The most scathing rebukes have been administered to him on such occasions, but all in vain. The Courrier Français recently exposed some discreditable transactions in which Granier had been formerly engaged, and the Pays assailed Vermorel, editor of the Courrier, with great violence; but public opinion took sides with Vermorel. The Pays has only about two thousand subscribers.

The ultramontane press is represented in Paris by four journals, the Monde and the Univers, the two organs of the Clericals, and the Union and the Gazette de France, the organs of the Legitimists. Their aggregate circulation is not over sixteen thousand. Veuillot's pen, which at one time secured forty thousand subscribers to the Univers, seems to have lost most of its magnetic power. When the Univers was revived last year, it was generally expected that it would speedily regain the popularity which it enjoyed previous to its suppression by the Government; but these expectations were not fulfilled. After a good deal of advertising, it succeeded in obtaining only between six and seven thousand subscribers. The two organs of the Legitimists have an even smaller circulation, though both of them are edited with tact and ability.

Passing to the liberal dailies, we must mention, in the first place, the Siècle, the organ of the democratic bourgeoisie of Paris, and, though by no means the ablest, certainly the most popular political paper in Paris. It has a circulation of between forty and fifty thousand copies, and is said to pay M. Havin, its proprietor and chief

editor, a yearly income of a million francs. Havin's success is one of the anomalies of French journalism. He is neither a great writer, nor an astute politician, nor an able manager. Twenty-eight years ago he was a poor clerk in Calais, and to-day he is at the head of the most popular and bestpaying paper on the Continent, a member of the Legislative Body, and one of the most influential politicians in France. About eighteen months since he proposed to open a subscription for erecting a monument to Voltaire, every subscriber to contribute only fifty centimes (ten cents). The other Parisian papers, which hate and affect to despise Havin, tried to laugh this proposition to scorn. But it was, nevertheless, successful beyond measure, and by this time a sum has been collected sufficient for erecting a magnificent statue to the old skeptic of Ferney. A man of much greater ability than M. Havin is his assistant editor, Louis Jourdan, a whitehaired old gentleman, but who wields his pen with rare vigor and vivacity.

The Temps, one of the ablest opposition papers, was started by A. Nefftzer, who was, fifteen years ago, gérant of the Presse, under Girardin, and, if not equally distinguished as the latter, ranks certainly among the foremost French journalists of the present time. Nefftzer is a self-made man, and may lay claim to the honor of having, during the gloomiest times of the second empire, edited the only truly democratic newspaper in Paris. The Government gave him permission to start the Temps only because it believed that the new journal would injure the circulation of the Presse. Such was really the case to some extent, and ever since there has not been much love lost between Girardin and Nefftzer. Had the Temps ever consented to advocate the views of the Chauvins, its circulation to-day would outstrip that of any paper in Paris. But it sternly refuses to flatter the vanity of the French, and consequently its circulation has hardly ever been over ten thousand copies. Its staff of editors and correspondents is a very brilliant

one, and counts such men as Louis Blanc, Auguste Villemot, Louis Ulbach, Edgar Quinet, A. Erdan, Henri de Madelène, among its members.

The Journal des Débats, which, on account of its high-toned political and literary articles, has deservedly been called a 66 daily magazine," has for some time past, owing to the timidity of its political course, lost about one half of its subscribers, and its circulation is now less than ten thousand. John Lemoinne, a distinguished young pamphleteer, is managing editor under old Edward Bertin's direction. PrévostParadol, the most brilliant French essayist of our times, Laboulaye, SaintMarc Girardin, Michel Chevalier, Henri Baudrillart, Jules Janin, Hector Berlioz, Marc Monnier, and other eminent writers form the galaxy of its editors and contributors.

The Opinion Nationale is the organ of the Democratic Chauvins, and on account of its editor Guéroult's exceedingly well-written, stirring articles, quite popular throughout France. Some thirty years ago, M. Guéroult was a newspaper correspondent, but soon left the journalistic and filled various consular and diplomatic positions until 1848, when the revolution put an end to his prospects in this direction. In June, 1848, he displayed great heroism in rescuing several innocent workingmen out of the hands of the infuriated soldiers, who were just about to execute them under the pretext that they had been on the barricades. Guéroult then entered a position in a banking-house, which he left again in 1858 in order to try his hand once more at journalism. He established the Opinion Nationale, and was successful beyond expectation. To judge from his admirably written, impassioned leaders in the Opinion Nationale, one would believe M. Guéroult to be a fiery, impetuous young man, while in reality he is a staid, quiet, and elderly gentleman, inclining to embonpoint, and looking like a retired merchant with epicurean tastes, whom no one on earth would suppose to be the author of the flaming articles which the

young Chauvins read with so much enthusiasm and delight. M. Guéroult is an intimate personal and political friend of Prince Napoleon, whose views are frequently reflected in the editorials of the Opinion. Since 1863 M. Guéroult has been a member of the Legislative Body, where he votes with the Democrats, and had recently that violent quarrel with M. de Keroeguen, of Toulon, who charged him and Havin with having been bribed by Count Bismarck, -a charge which a searching investigation by a court of honor proved to be utterly unfounded and malicious. The circulation of the Opinion Nationale is about eighteen thousand. Its expenses are small, and it is considered one of the best-paying papers in Paris.

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About two years ago, the Liberté, which had been started a few months before, was near the close of its shortlived existence. Its average circulation amounted to seven hundred and thirtythree copies, the highest daily sale having been fifteen hundred copies. At that time Emile de Girardin withdrew from the Presse, and bought the drooping Liberté for a mere song." With him he took the ablest sub-editors of the Presse, and eight months afterward the Liberté had already a circulation of 15,000 copies. Girardin managed the affairs of his new paper with consummate skill. Regardless of the outcry of the publishers of the other papers, who predicted the speedy downfall of the Liberté, he repeated the same manœuvre, by which, in 1835, he had made the Presse the paper of the largest circulation in France. He reduced the price of the paper from fifteen to ten centimes. Besides, he engaged the famous Baron de Brisse as 66 culinary' contributor, and the daily "bills of fare," which the latter published on the fourth page, laughed to scorn as they were at first by the other papers, were soon as popular as Girardin's pungent editorials on the first page. It became a matter of ton to dine according to Baron Brisse's daily bill of fare; every married lady, every vrai cordon bleu, wanted the Liberté, and Girardin gained

every day hundreds of new subscribers. He then offered Baron de Brisse's new work on Gastronomy, which could not be bought at the bookstores, to every new subscriber, and this raised his circulation to 20,000. And last, he made his greatest and most successful coup by declaring war against Napoleon III., predicting the speedy downfall of his dynasty, and commencing onslaughts on him, such as no journalist had hitherto dared to make on the Emperor. The opposition party, as a general thing, at first did not believe Girardin to be quite sincere in his sudden and utter desertion of the cause of Napoleon III., but all bought his paper, which has now a daily circulation of over thirty thousand copies. In his latest prospectus, M. de Girardin pays a compliment to the American press by saying that "the Liberté is the American newspaper transplanted into French soil.” Besides being a successful journalist, M. de Girardin is a skilful financier and real-estate speculator, and reputed to be worth several millions. His personal appearance is not very prepossessing; he looks forbidding and stern, and somewhat arrogant.

A kindred spirit, so far as newspaper management is concerned, is the proprietor of the Figaro, Henri de Villemessant, the great journalistic speculator of France. He is indefatigable in newspaper ventures, in starting dailies, weeklies, and magazines; and his enterprise and boldness in this respect are no less remarkable than his sagacity and his success. He has all the time "many irons in the fire,” and the old adage is certainly not applicable to his case, for he has made a great deal of money out of his manifold ventures. His success, however, will not be considered surprising when it is known that he is a great advertiser-in fact, the most liberal and judicious advertiser in all France. Whenever he starts a new weekly or monthly, he advertises it for weeks in a manner altogether unheard of in France. For instance, four years ago he started the Grand Journal Politique, and the Grand Journal Littéraire,

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