duced the desired effect, and our brave tars returned to their duty. Parker, the ringleader, was seized, and after a solemn trial, condemned to death; "which he underwent with great firmness, acknowledging the justice of his sentence, and hoping only that mercy would be extended to his associates." Others were also executed; but many who remained still under sentence, were, after the glorious victory of Camperdown, pardoned by royal proclama tion. Thus was England delivered from the most formidable danger that ever beset her since she was a nation; and delivered by the wisdom and firmness of that aristocratic government, which has recently, under Lord Grey's administration, been razed to its foundations, or rather, indeed the foundations of which have been utterly overthrown. How we might act in similar circumstances, if such an exigency should again arise, it is not for us to anticipate; and let us hope that such an evil may be long averted. While we continued victorious at sea, France was indefatigable in pursuing her plans of territorial aggrandisement and continental aggression. In the campaign of 1797, Buonaparte and the Archduke Charles measured swords, and the results were in the highest degree favourable to Gallic enterprise and ambition. But the losses which Austria sustained were even less than the disgrace which she incurred by being a consenting party to the infamous treaty for the partition of Venice."The page of history," observes our author, "stained as it is with acts of oppression and violence, has nothing more iniquitous to present. It is darker in atrocity than the partition of Poland, and has only excited less indignation in subsequent years, because it was attended with no heroism or dignity in the vanquished." It may also be added, that much of the commiseration with which the people of that interesting country would, otherwise, in such circumstances, have been regarded, was denied them, because of their profligate readiness to side with the anarchists of France, and to become the propagandists of that revolutionary mania which was desolating Europe. "In contemplating this memorable event, it is difficult to say whether most indignation is to be felt at the perfidy of France, the cupidity of Austria, the weakness of the Venetian aristocracy, or the insanity of the Venetian people. He then "For the conduct of Napoleon no possible apology can be found. He first excited the revolutionary spirit to such a degree in all the Italian possessions of the fed and clothed by the bounty of its gorepublic, at the very time that they were vernment, that disturbances became unavoidable, and then aided the rebels, and made the efforts of the government to crush the insurrection the pretext for declaring war against the state. excited to the uttermost the democratic spirit in the capital, took advantage of it to paralyze the defences and overturn the government of the country; established a new constitution on a highly popular basis, and signed a treaty on the 16th May at Milan, by which, on payment of a heavy ransom, he agreed to maintain the independence of Venice under its new and revolutionary government. Having thus committed all his supporters in the state irrevocably in the cause of freedom, and got possession of the capital, as that of an allied and friendly power, he plundered it of every thing valuable it possessed; and then he united with Austria in partitioning the republic; took possession of one half of its territories for France and the Cisalpine republic; and handed over the other half, with the capital, and its burning democrats, to the most aristocratic government in Europe." Never did Napoleon appear so completely an impersonation of the evil principle. He first tempted, then betrayed, and afterwards punished his victims; nor can we omit the beautiful and instructive observations of Mr. Alison, on this part of his conduct "These transactions throw as important a light upon the moral as the intellectual character of Napoleon. To find a parallel to the dissimulation and rapacity by which his conduct to Venice was characterised, we must search the annals of Italian treachery; the history of the nations to the north of the Alps, abounding as it does in deeds of atrocity, is stained by no similar act of combined duplicity and violence. This opens a new and hitherto unobserved feature in his character, which is in the highest degree important. The French Republican writers uniformly represent his Italian campaigns as the most pure and glorious period of his history, and pourtray his character, at first almost perfect, as gradually deterio- it was at first stained. Extraordinary as The revolution of the 18th Fructidor may be considered the natural result of the struggle, which took place between the feeble good, and the daring and desperate bad men of the revolution. It was the true commencement of the reign of despotism in France, which eventuated in the domination of an imperial ruler. The two next chapters are occupied with an account of the expedition to Egypt, the revolution and subjugation of Switzerland, and the rebellion in Ireland. These we pass over, as being in substance for the most part familiar to our readers. The last chapter of this volume, with which we must, for the present conclude, is very instructive. It exhibits the rapid strides of Napoleon to supreme power, and shews the inevitable tendency of all democratic movements, by disgusting the rational, and debauching the irrational portion of the community, to prepare the way for the tyranny of some eminent military chief, whose iron sway may be felt a relief from the harassing oppressions, or the inefficient control of more unprincipled or less capable rulers. The fervour of Jacobinism seemed to have expired with institutions which they had reduced to ruins; and the most vehement democrats now found it difficult to enkindle anew that sanguinary zeal, upon the continuance of which their ascendancy The new election chiefly depended. of a third of the legislature evinced the change which had taken place in the public mind; and the opposition which the directory began to experience convinced many that the time had come when an effort on behalf of the exiled family might be attended with advantage. The struggle for power continued with various success, until the return of Buonaparte from Egypt. He, immediately became the centre of attraction, to which the disaffected of all parties resorted, and not only republicans, but royalists solicited his countenance for the promotion of their very different objects. Never did that extraordinary tion. He listened to every one, while man act with more profound dissimulahe committed himself to no one, and turned the hopes and the fears of friends and foes alike to his own advantage. The directory feared, the people respected, the army adored him. His recent exploits, both in Italy and Egypt, were the theme of every tongue, and the increasing disorders and the perilous insecurity of France, convinced the most moderate men that his investure with supreme power would be the least of the many evils which might be apprehended. Most of the military leaders had been gained to favour the proposal by which the consular government was to be established. This, however, was not effected without a struggle with the council of five hundred, for which Napoleon was scarcely prepared, and an application of military force which he would rather have avoided. But the bayonets prevailed; and the object of his ambition was attained after he had felt himself more than once upon the verge of ruin. The feelings of the people during this critical contest, are thus described "During these two eventful days, the people of Paris, though deeply interested in the issue of the struggle, and trembling with anxiety lest the horrors of the Revolution should be renewed, remained perfectly tranquil. In the evening of the 19th, reports of the failure of the enterprise were generally spread, and diffused the most mortal disquietude; for all ranks, worn out with the agitation and sufferings of past convulsions, passionately longed for repose, and it was generally felt that it could be obtained only under the shadow of military authority. But at length the result was communicated by the fugitive members of the Five Hundred, who arrived from St. Cloud, loudly exclaiming against the military violence of which they had been the victims; and at nine at night the intelligence was officially announced by a proclamation of Napoleon, which was read by torchlight to the agitated groups." But our space admonishes us that we must conclude. Most earnestly do we entreat our readers not to be satisfied with our account of the important work from which we have made such large citations, as we can assure them that its interest will be found, upon perusal, to exceed any idea that could be formed of it, from any detached passages which could, in a notice like this, be presented to their view. As it is the most extended, so it is by far the ablest and the most philosophical history which we possess of the French revolution. The military details are given with singular accuracy and power, and the various characters, who figured during those eventful times, are described with a rigid impartiality and a force of truth that are at once a test of this able writer's integrity and discrimination. We do not know any service which the conservative leaders could, at present, perform for their country, greater than that which might facilitate the circulation of these admirable volumes amongst all classes of the people; and if we may flatter ourselves with being in any degree instrumental thereto, our labours in the good cause will be amply requited. As ignorance, or what is worse than ignorance, imperfect knowledge, has been the source, so complete knowledge must be the cure of our evils; and convinced are we that that can never be presented in so engaging or so efficacious a form as that of the " philosophy which teaches by example." GALLERY OF ILLUSTRIOUS IRISHMEN.-No. VI.-STERNE. CHAP. V.-THE BRIBED SCHOLAR-PART I. Page 247 CHAPTERS OF COLLEGE ROMANCE.-BY EDWARD S. O'BRIEN, Esq. A.M. 264 THE ATTRACTIONS OF IRELAND-No. II.-SCENERY AND SOCIETY 315 331 350 LETTERS FROM AN IRISH PROTESTANT ON THE STATE OF AFFAIRS DUBLIN WILLIAM CURRY, JUN. AND COMPANY. 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