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means of defence. We shall now proceed with a short outline of their history.

The source, or origin, from whence the aborigines sprang, is involved in much obscurity, and has occupied the attention of many learned men. Some have supposed that they are descended from the Jews after their dispersion; others, from those Israelites who were left in Egypt after the departure of that people with Moses. Others carry their origin further back, and maintain them to be the descendants of Ham, or some of the Patriarchs immediately after the time of Noah. Many circumstances tend to strengthen the latter opinion. Their mode of life and system of religion are more analogous to those of the patriarchal ages than of the Jews. Like the former, every man is a priest in his own house; there being neither temples nor stated periods of worship; and all their religious rites and numerous sacrifices being purely spontaneous, and like their pastoral mode of life, partaking of the simplicity of patriarchal times. Flacourt, who had an opportunity of judging of their customs and manners before these were in any degree altered by an intercourse with Europeans, makes the following remarks: "These people having had no communication or commerce with the inhabitants of the main land of Ethiopia, on account of their ignorance of navigation, have not been affected by the changes of laws and customs that have been introduced there from time to time; but have adhered to those which were in use in the country from whence they originally came, and which they brought with them when they first landed in Madagascar. Those whom I consider to be the aborigines are the Zafe Ibrahim, or descendants of Abraham, who inhabit the island of St. Mary, and the adjacent lands; inasmuch as, retaining the usage of circumcision, they have no other rites in common with the Mahometans, and are so far from acknowledging Mahomet and his Caliphs, that they look upon them as no better than Caffres and lawless men, with whom they will neither eat, associate, nor contract any alliance. They keep the Sabbath on Saturday and not on Friday like the Moors, and they have no names amongst them similar to those of that people: which makes me think that their ancestors arrived in the isle about the time of the first transmigration of the Jews, or that they are descended from the more ancient families of the Ishmaelites, or from those who might have remained in Egypt after the departure of the children of Israel. They have retained the names of Moses, Isaac, Jacob, Joseph, and Noah. Of the rest, some may have come from the coast of Ethiopia; but the whites called Zafe Ramini, arrived about 500 years since, and their learned men came there only about 150 years since." (A. d. 1500.)

From a careful consideration of these opinions, and the history of these islanders, we feel inclined to think that the real aborigines are those of an olive complexion, and also the Zafe Ibrahim; the former, who constitute the bulk of the population, being descended from the family of Ham, and the latter descended collaterally from Abraham ; and that both these having arrived on the island about the same time, kept themselves separate, and so constitute different tribes. Two circumstances concur to give them a very remote antiquity: one is that, notwithstanding the numerous herds of cattle they possess, they have never used them for the purpose of bearing burthens: the other is that the aborigines had no idea whatever of carriages on wheels. Now, both these are modes of lessening the labours of husbandry so obvious and direct, that had they at any period of their history been acquainted with them, they could not have forgotten them, and would not have discontinued them. And, had they descended from the Jews subsequent to the captivity in Egypt, their ancestors must have been acquainted with them, and consequently would have availed themselves of them.

After the discovery of Madagascar by the Portuguese, they, as well as other Europeans, continued to touch at the island for supplies. In 1540, an attempt was made by the former to establish a colony in the province of Anossi. They continued but a short time, for the natives became jealous of their settlement, and massacred every one of them. Soon after, the Dutch made a similar attempt at the Bay of Antougil, but they too were driven out in a very short time. The next attempt was made by the French, in 1642, when Cardinal Richelieu granted a patent to Captain Rivault, giving him an exclusive right to send ships and forces, to establish a colony, plantation, and commerce, at Madagascar. Other merchants having joined him, the first East India Company was established. Pronis and Fouquenburg were appointed governors, and sent with twelve men to await the arrival

of further reinforcements. They landed at St. Lucia, where they found 18 Frenchmen, part of the crew of a vessel that had been wrecked. In April following, 70 more joined them, who arrived very opportunely to prevent an attempt planned by the natives to cut off the colony. They now endeavoured to maintain terms with the islanders by presents to the chiefs, but their suspicions were excited, and the settlers found it impossible to keep them permanently in good humour. Every opportunity of annoying the invaders was eagerly embraced: six of them were destroyed in crossing a river; seven more in collecting ebony; and, to complete their discomfiture, a fever broke out, which in one month destroyed a third of the garrison, and drove the re

mainder to the peninsula of Tholaugare, about ten leagues from St. Lucia. Here they built a fort, called Fort Dauphin. It stood in a healthy situation, 150 feet above the level of the sea, and commanded a fine roadstead; and this spot formed the chief settlement of the French in their various attempts to colonize Madagascar.

Fouquenberg soon after returned to France, leaving Pronis governor; a weak-minded man, who neither won the good will of the natives, nor maintained his authority over his own troops. The latter rebelled and laid him in irons. He remained a prisoner six months, when he was released by the arrival of a French ship. His first act was to sell to the governor of the Isle of France, a great number of the natives in the service of the colony, amongst whom were sixteen women of the Lehavohitz race, esteemed sacred in Madagascar. This act rendered the French so unpopular, that the East India Company found it necessary to supersede Pronis, and Flacourt was appointed to succeed him. He arrived at Fort Dauphin in 1648, and was well received by the chiefs; but by aiming at the subjugation of the whole island he soon lost their affection and confidence. He dispatched eighty Frenchmen and a large number of armed natives to lay waste the most beautiful districts in the neighbourhood of Fort Dauphin. He also sent detachments to explore the interior of the island, and obtain a knowledge of the customs and manners of the inhabitants. His narrative was published on his return to France, in 1655, and is full of valuable and interesting details. He was recalled to give an account of his conduct, and having satisfied the Company he set sail again in 1658; but in doubling the Cape, a storın arose, which wrecked the vessel, and Flacourt, and all on board, perished. His fate would not have been much preferable had he reached Madagascar, for it appears that after he left the island the natives formed a plan for delivering themselves from their troublesome guests; and, so effectually did they succeed, that they destroyed every Frenchman and burnt Fort Dauphin to the ground.

The news of Flacourt's misfortune reached France, and the Company, being unconscious of the greater disaster at Madagascar, appointed Chamargou to succeed him. He arrived in 1660, and only then learned the fate of the colony. He, however, set about rebuilding the fort, and, having received considerable reinforcements, began to explore the country. The party sent on this expedition was commanded by Le Vacher, who went by the name of La Case. He was a man of great courage and prudence, and by his address obtained for the French a degree of reputation they never before enjoyed. But the ill treatment he received from Chamargou, who

saw with mean jealousy the estimation in which he was held by the natives, induced him to quit the fort in disgust, and he soon after married Dian Nong, the daughter of Dian Rossitate, chief of the province of Amboule, who, approving of the match and being old, in a little time ceded to La Case the whole of the district. His valour and good conduct obtained for him the name of Dian Pouss, after that of one of their most celebrated chiefs. The withdrawal of La Case from Fort Dauphin was the signal for revolt on the part of the chiefs, who entered into a combination to starve the garrison by cutting off their supplies. The effects were soon felt, and they were reduced to the last extremity of distress, when a French ship fortunately arrived and relieved them. As soon as the real state of the case was made known to the captain, he remonstrated with Chamargou on the folly of being at variance with La Case, and threatened, if an amicable arrangement was not immediately made, he should feel it his duty to represent the affair to Marshal Meilleraye, who at that period possessed great influence in France. This menace had the desired effect, and a reconciliation took place between La Case and Chamargou, which was followed by a peace with the chiefs; and the usual supplies were obtained for the garrison. This peace, however, lasted little longer than the stay of La Case at the fort. On his return to Amboule, Chamargou began to levy contributions in the province of Anossi, while the priests attached to the colony made an attempt to convert some of the chiefs to the Catholic faith. They began by commanding them to repu diate all their wives, but one, although the custom of polygamy was general throughout the island. Dian Manaugue, a powerful chief, who was attached to the French, having refused to accede to this arrangement, Father Stephen, the superior of the mission, threatened him with the old Popish doctrines of fire and sword, and actually assaulted the offending chief and pronounced the sentence of excommunication upon him. This conduct so incensed him that he instantly ordered the whole party, consisting of seven priests and a few attendants, to be massacred: he then declared interminable war against the French. Forty of these, being ignorant of the transactions with Father Stephen, were surprised, and only one escaped to the fort to tell the fate of his companions. Upon this, Chamargou ravaged the whole country, and spared neither age nor sex, which, in its turn, reflected upon the garrison-for a famine succeeded, and they were again driven to the last extremity, when La Case came to their relief; and having overcome the hostile chiefs, supplied the French with provisions. Such was the valuable nature of his services on this and other occasions, that

the East India Company saw the policy of keeping terms with him; they sent him a lieutenant's commission, he continued to serve the colony during his life, and was their principal safeguard against the hostile chiefs. Chamargou was, in 1667, removed from the governorship by the Marquess of Mondevergue, who arrived at Fort Dauphin with a convoy of ten vessels, having on board two directors, an attorney-general, four companies of infantry, ten chiefs of colonies, eight merchants, and thirty-two women. The mar quess, who was appointed governor-general of all the French settlements south of the line, appears to have acted with great moderation; and, during his stay, peace was maintained with but little interruption. In 1670, the French government assumed the sovereignty of the island, and a fleet of ten more ships arrived, under the command of M. de la Huye, who was appointed viceroy. On his arrival, Mondevergue chose the alternative offered to him, of returning to France, where he fell a sacrifice to his enemies, La Huye having secretly impeached him to the court: he was never brought to trial, but died a prisoner in the Castle of Saumur.

La Huye seems fully to have adopted the spirit which prevailed amongst the colonists of former ages, when it was thought impossible to do good by conciliation, and that an enemy could only be trusted when dead. Having now nearly a thousand troops on the island, he determined to get rid of those chiefs who were hostile, comprising a large majority of them; but treachery on the part of Chamargou, who commanded a body of troops, and who envied La Huye his power, occasioned a defeat. Upon this, La Huye left the island in disgust, and taking a large part of the forces, retired to Surat. La Case died shortly after, which completed the misfortunes of the French. Their yoke had long been insupportably heavy to the natives, and fresh combinations were formed against them, which, about the year 1675 came to a head; when a general massacre of the French took place, with the exception of a few who escaped to a ship lying in the harbour. Thus was Madagascar once more free from a foreign yoke.

(To be continued.)

Domestic Hints.

ELDER WINE.

THIS fruit is excellently calculated for the production of wine. Its juice contains a considerable portion of the fermentative matter which is so essential for the production of a vigorous fermentation, and its beautiful colour communicates to the wine a rich tint; but, as the fruit is deficient in saccharine matter, this substance must be liberally supplied. This wine is much ameliorated by

adding to the elderberry juice a small portion of super-tartrate of potash. Dr. Macculloch observes, "that the proportion of this salt may vary from one to four, and even six per cent." The cause of this admissible laxity will appear, when it is considered that the greater part of the super-tartrate of potash is again deposited in the lees. I may also remark, that from two to four per cent will be found a sufficient dose, in proportion to the greater or less sweetness of the fruit, the sweetest requiring the largest quantity of this salt, and vice versa. The dose of it ought also to vary in proportion to the added sugar, increasing as it increases.

To every two quarts of bruised berries, put one quart of water; strain the juice through a hair sieve, and add to every quart of the diluted juice one pound of lump sugar. Boil the mixture for about one quarter of an hour, and suffer it to ferment.

Or, bruise a bushel of picked elder-berries; dilute the mass with ten gallons of water, and having boiled it for a few minutes, strain off the juice, and squeeze out the husks. Measure the whole quantity of the juice, and to every quart put three-quarters of a pound of lump sugar; and, whilst still warm, add to it half a pint of yeast, and fill up the cask with some of the reserved liquor.

When the wine is clear, it may be drawn off from the lees, (which will be in about three months,) and bottled for use.

For flavouring the wine, ginger, allspice, or any other aromatic substance, may be used; the flavouring materials may be inclosed in a bag, and suspended in the cask, and removed when the desired flavour is produced.— Accum, on Wine Making.

[We do not quote this as the most economical receipt for making elder wine, since unrefined sugar is generally used, which reduces the cost. But, it is reasonable to conclude that, by Mr. Accum's mode, may be produced a more perfect wine than by the common method. At all risks, the hint is in season.]

The Naturalist.

LARGE CEDAR-TREE,

In "the Palace Garden," Enfield. IN some account of the manor-house of Enfield, Middlesex, at page 129 of The Mirror, vol. xiv., we incidentally noticed this stupendous cedar. The mansion was one of the palaces of Queen Elizabeth, and this record is upon more substantial authority than that upon which many other mansions near London are stated to have been occupied by her Majesty.

This cedar was planted by Dr. Uvedale who, about the year 1670, took the palace premises for a school. The Doctor was much

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attached to the study of botany, and had a very curious garden here. In an account of the most remarkable gardens near London in 1691, written by J. Gibson, and printed in the twelfth volume of the Archeologia, Dr. Uvedale is said to have had "the greatest and choicest collection of exotics that was perhaps any where in this land.”

The dimensions of this tree were given thus in a letter from Sir John Cullum to the Gentleman's Magazine, in 1779: height, 45 ft. 9 in., eight feet having been broken off by a high wind; girth at the top, 3 ft. 7 in.; second girth, 7 ft. 9 in.; third girth, 10 feet; fourth girth, (supposed near the ground,) 14 ft. 6 in. These dimensions were taken by Mr. Lilley, a schoolmaster at Enfield, at the desire of Mr. Gough. An account of this cedar was also printed in 1788, in four pages folio. The loss of the leading branch is attributed to the memorable high wind in 1703. In 1809, the girth at 3 ft. 10 in. from the ground, (it could not be taken at three feet, in consequence of a seat having been fixed round it,) was 13 ft. 1 in. The northern branch was 49 ft. 10 in. in length; the southern, 44 ft. 9 in. The distance from the extreme of each branch, 98 ft. 9 in. This information was communicated by the Rev. H. Porter, rector of Enfield to the Rev. Mr. Lysons, for his Environs of London, 1811. In 1820, the girth of this fine tree was 16 ft. at 1 ft. 6 in. from the ground.

The cedar at Enfield is the famed Lebanon species, distinguished by its strong, spreading branches, from all other trees of the same genus. The general character of the shoot, even when the tree is young, is singularly bold and picturesque, and quite peculiar to the species. This tree is supposed to have been introduced into England in 1683. The

specimen at Enfield is far from the largest in this country. A cedar at Hendon Place, which was destroyed by a hurricane in 1729, was 70 feet high, and the greatest circumference of the trunk was 20 feet. The gardener is stated to have cleared from 15%. to 501. a-year by sale of the cones. The pair of

cedars in Chelsea Gardens must be known to most Londoners. The cedars at Whitton Place, planted in 1724, by Archibald, third duke of Argyle, have flourished exceedingly; so that rooms have been wainscotted with

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FEW places in Great Britain are richer in architectural antiquities than the city of Norwich. Time has not, however, spared the curious structure represented in the annexed Cut. It was the market-cross, and appears to have been a useful as well as embellished structure. Its form was octangular, and within were apartments appropriated to the transaction of public business. Its enrichments were not of the most picturesque character, but, altogether, with the clustered columns of its portico, and the pinnacles and ornaments of the upper portion, it must have been an edifice of no mean pretensions to architectural distinction.

(Norwich Cross.)

The Public Journals.

JACOB FAITHFUL.

(By the Author of Peter Simple.) "Bound 'prentice to a waterman,

I learnt a bit to row;

And, bless your heart, I always was so gay." GENTLE reader, I was born upon the waternot upon the salt and angry ocean, but upon the fresh, and rapid-flowing river. It was in a floating sort of box, called a lighter, and upon the river Thames, and at low water, that I first smelt the mud. This lighter was manned (an expression amounting to bullism, if not construed kind-ly) by my father, my mother, and your humble servant. My father had the sole charge-he was monarch of the deck; my mother of course was queen, and I was the heir apparent.

Before I say one word about myself, allow me dutifully to describe my parents. First, then, I will portray my queen mother. Report says, that when first she came on board of the lighter, a lighter figure and a lighter step never pressed a plank; but as far as I can tax my recollection, she was always a fat, unwieldy woman. Locomotion was not to her taste-gin was. She seldom quitted the cabin; never quitted the lighter-a pair of shoes may have lasted her for five years, for the wear and tear that she took out of them. Being of this domestic habit, as all married women ought to be, she was always to be found when wanted; but although always at

At

hand, she was not always on her feet. Towards the close of the day, she laid down upon her bed-a wise precaution when a person can no longer stand. The fact was, that my honoured mother, although her virtue was unimpeachable, was frequently seduced by liquor; and, although constant to my father, was debauched and to be found in bed with that insidious assailer of female uprightness-gin. The lighter, which might have been compared to another garden of Eden, of which my mother was the Eve, and my father the Adam to consort with, was entered by this serpent who tempted her; and if she did not eat, she drank, which was even worse. first, indeed, and I mention it to prove how the enemy always gains admittance under a specious form, she drank it only to keep the cold out of her stomach, which the humid atmosphere from the surrounding water appeared to warrant. My father took his pipe for the same reason; but at the time that I was born, he smoked and she drank, from morning to night, because habit had rendered it almost necessary to their existence. The pipe was always to his lips, the glass incessantly to hers. I would have defied any cold ever to have penetrated into their stomachs;-but I have said enough of my mother for the present, I will now pass on to my father.

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My father was a puffy, round-bellied, longarmed, little man, admirably calculated for his station in, or rather out of, society. could manage a lighter as well as any body; but he could do more. He had been brought up to it from his infancy. He went on shore for my mother, and came on board againthe only remarkable event in his life. His whole amusement was his pipe; and, as there is a certain indefinable link between smoking and philosophy, my father, by dint of smoking, had become a perfect philosopher.

My father's pipe, literally and metaphorically, was never put out. He had a few apothegms which brought every disaster to a happy conclusion; and as he seldom or ever indulged in words, these sayings were deeply impressed upon my infant memory. One was, "It's no use crying; what's done can't be helped." When once these words escaped his lips, the subject was never renewed. Nothing appeared to move him; the adjurations of those employed in the other lighters, barges, vessels, and boats of every description, who were contending with us for the extra foot of water, as we drifted up or down with the tide, affected him not, further than an extra column or two of smoke rising from the bowl of his pipe. To my mother, he used but one expression, "Take it coolly;" but it always had the contrary effect with my mother, as it put her more in a passion. It was like pouring oil upon flame; nevertheless, the advice was good, had it ever been fol

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