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likewise, through a large portion of my later er, Saviour, and everlasting High Priest, Jesus life, a sufferer, sorely afflicted with bodily pains, Christ. languors, and infirmities; and for the last three “Oh, preserve this as a legacy and bequest or four years have, with a few and brief inter- from your unseen godfather and friend, vals, been confined to a sick-room, and at this
S. T. COLERIDGE.” moment, in great weakness and heaviness, write from a sickbed, hopeless of a recovery, yet
And now, perhaps, we cannot more fitly without prospect of a specdy removal ; and I, close this sketch than in those affectionate thus on the very brink of the grave, solemnly words of his nephew, the faithful defender bear witness to you, that the Almighty Re- of the memory of his great uncle :deemer, most gracious in His promises to them that truly seek Him, is faithful to perform what Coleridge! blessings on his gentle memory! He hath promised, and has preserved, under all Coleridge was a frail mortal. He had indeed my pains and infirmities, the inward peace that his peculiar weaknesses as well as his unique passeth all understanding, with the supporting powers ; sensibilities that an averted look would assurance of a reconciled God, who will not rack, a heart which would beat calmly in the withdraw His Spirit from me in the conflict, tremblings of an earthquake. He shrank from and in His own time will deliver me from the mere uneasiness like a child, and bore the preEvil One.
paratory agonies of his death-attack like a mar“Oh, my dear godchild ! eminently blessed tyr. He suffered an almost life-long punishare those who begin early to seck, fear, and ment for his errors, whilst the world at large love their God, trusting wholly in the right- has the unwithering fruits of his labours, and eousness and mediation of their Lord, Redeem- his genius, and his sufferings."
You may talk, upon paper,
Of mud, slime, and vapour,
But who cares for the smell
That can work an oil-well?
If you are a cunning old file, land
With that trump card a spade
Why, your fortune is made
In these busy days,
Unless anything “ pays," 'Tis put down as of minor importance ;
What matter how filthy
The way to be wealthy,
Petrolia, that's a fine lle land -
Run off to Penn-sylvania's unctuous Ile land ! Let the whales rest in peace,
Like old Heroes of Grease, They may blubber all over their faces ;
But the whalers won't pay
Them attention, when they
They'll go to Petrolia's Ile land
They'll play their harpoons
And a-singing of tunes
Oh! just wait awhile
And we all shall burn ile,
Snuff out each short six in this
Day of oil wicks, in this
Farewell to my own native sile ! and
We, of Petrolia
Slowly, too slowly are, Steaming away to the Ile Land.
BY GOLDWIN SMITH.
From Macmillan's Magazine, tance, as the party of morality, of religion, THE CASE OF THE ALABAMA.
and of Washington, to an immoral war.
Short-sighted people here have embraced the Democratic party as the party of Free
Trade. But it included in its ranks the NEITHER the American nor the English iron-masters of Pennsylvania, the most innation, at this moment, at all contemplates veterate of all Protectionists, whose organs a war. But civilized nations never contem- fan the flame of hostility to England, in orplate a war. They drift into situations in der to exclude our iron, though it be at the which war becomes inevitable.
risk of war. The disposition of the Americans towards The rebellion cut the Democratic party England, so far as we can see, though not yet in two. The tail of it in the North, sympacordial, is improving, and is very far from thizing too openly with the head in the being such as of itself to lead to a rupture. South against the national cause, fell into But a political struggle is about to commence utter discredit, and received at the last in America, which in its issue may possibly Presidential election what seemed a decibring a party, by tradition and interest un sive overthrow; and had the Old England friendly to England, again into the ascen- known her own interest, she and her statesdant, and thus materially change the aspect men would have rejoiced in that great vicof affairs.
tory of law, order, morality, and peace, as It was a strange thing for England to be heartily as the New. But Mr. Lincoln fell thrown into the arms of the slave-owners. by a blow which history, misled by no fanIt was an equally strange thing for her to ciful interpretations of Providence, will albe thrown into the arms of the Democratic ways reckon among the great calamities of party.
the world. The new President, in spite of The Democratic party, which our pro- sinister appearances, has proved himself a Southern aristocracy and their journals de- skilful, temperate, and dignified ruler. But lighted to honour as the “ Conservative,” though a strong Unionist, and now on poliwas headed, as everybody who knows any- tical grounds a decided Abolitionist, he was thing of American politics is aware, by the formerly a member of the Democratic party, Southern slave-owners, who drew 'after and a slave-owner. It is too early (we say them as their political dependants the Irish it most emphatically) as yet to pronounce of the Northern cities. A section of rich judgment on Mr. Johnson's reconstructive men at the North connected with the South policy. But its present tendency appears to by commerce, or sympathizing socially with be towards a reconstruction not only of the the slave-owning aristocracy, and a certain Union, but of the old Democratic party. It number of mere party adherents, formed is not without a colour of reason, at least, the remaining elements of the confedera- that the President receives the calamitous tion, the main objects of which latterly be- approbation of the Southern press in this came slavery at home and aggression abroad. country. And the destinies of the nation The slave-owners, who led the party, were are to a great, to a terrible extent in the of course bitterly hostile to this country on hands of this one man; who, from the schism account of slavery and the slave-trade. The which has taken place in the Republican sentiments of the Irish towards England it ranks on the subject of negro suffrage, has is not necessary to describe. We have said evidently all parties at his feet. before, but we cannot too often repeat, that Should the Democratic party rise again, it was from the Democratic party, which it would again consist of slave-owners, or down to the outbreak of this revolution had serfs-owners inheriting the interests and enjoyed some thirty years of almost unin- sentiments of the slave-owners, as its head, terrupted ascendancy, that England received and of Fenians as its tail. all the affronts and insults which, under would be a spirited foreign policy, especialthe guidance of our great public instructors, ly in relations with England. It would hope we have been sagaciously wreaking on the thus to purge itself in the eyes of the nation heads of the Republicans, now, after a of the fatal stain of disunion and rebellion. long exclusion, restored by the rebellion to It would hope thus to dissipate in the whirlpower. It was the Democratic party that wind of new passions the accusing memomade war upon us in 1812. The Republi- ries of the civil war. And a man must have can party suffered ostracism on that occa- a very inadequate idea of the character of sion for the suspicion under which it lay Southern politicians if he refuses to believe of sympathizing with the mother country them capable, in case it suits their tactics, rather than with France, and for its resis- of exciting the American people to hostility
against this country, for having allowed Englishman, with a vestige of candour in Southern corsairs to issue from our ports. his nature, will allow that the Americans
Of the military designs of the Fenians we have so borne themselves, both in their need entertain no fear. Fortunately for the civil war and after its close, that the proudmutual interest of the two Anglo-Saxon est of nations need not feel itself humiliated communities, the Irish at this moment are not by rendering to them all that justice repopular in America. The assertion which quires ; if, indeed, in any question of jusone English journal repeated after another tice there could, under any circumstances, till all began to believe the slander, that the be so great a humiliation as persistence in American armies were mainly composed of a wrong. Irishmen, was the reverse of the fact. The The only question really remaining for Irish, from their jealousy of the negro, as settlement is that of the "Alabama claims. well as from their Democratic connection, But this question derives its angry and (we were throughout opposed to the war, and, fear it must be said) threatening character after the fall of the Democratic general, in part, at least, from other grievances which M-Clellan, very few of them entered the have rankled in the heart of the American ranks. They voted as one man for M Clel- people. lan and slavery at the last Presidential elec- The American ambassador still dwells tion : and their insurrection in New York, on the general attitude of England during marked as it was with the same horrible the war. In reply to the soothing as-uratrocity which has always characterized the ances of the kindly feelings of England, teninsurrections of Celts in Ireland and in dered by Earl Russell, he still complains of France, did not fail to leave a deep im- the "coldness and apathy which he has pression on the minds of the most humane found prevailing in many quarters from and law-loving of nations. No disposition, which his countrymen had a right to extherefore, exists on the part of the Anglo- pect warm and earnest sympathy." We are Americans to second Fenian enterprise ; on not careful to answer Mr. Adams in this the contrary, there is, perhaps, rather a dis- matter. We are ourselves among the Engposition to make more allowance than has lishmen who have deplored as much as he has been hitherto made for the difficulties which the sympathy shown for the wrong cause England has to encounter in ruling and by a large class in this country: and we do civilizing this unhappy race. But Fenians not doubt that he has had personally, in his have votes ; and, if the opportunity pre- intercourse with English society during this sents itself to them of using their votes in period, much to endure, and by the almost such a way so as to determine American heroic patience and forbearance with which policy in a sense adverse to England, we he has endured it earned a title to the gratfear they will not show themselves sufficiently itude of both nations. But he is eminently grateful for all the applause and encourage- a man of sense. He knows whether his ment which they received as “ the Conser- countrymen, or the friends of political Fative party," from their admirers in the equality and religious liberty in general,
have much reason to be surprised and scanWith this cloud on the horizon, it is desi- dalized because the old aristocracies and rable in the interests of peace and all that established hierarchies of Europe do not depends on peace (including constitutional exhibit warm and earnest sympathy for government and national solvency in a democracy whose friends proclaim that its American as well as English trade) that all success is their inevitable doom, if they are questions between the twoʻ nations should even somewhat unmeasured in their joy be settled while each remains in its present over such a respite to old institutions as the temper and under its present government; apparent downfall of the model republic. and that the settlement should not be de- He knows, in short, whether it is quite ralayed till the Democrats get into power on tional to upbraid the thistle of aristocracy for one side, and the Tories on the other. On not bearing republican figs. He knows also the part of neither government at present is whether, in the quarters where he had realthere any lack of determination to maintain ly a right to look for warm and earnest symthe national honour, while both are, as we pathy in a crusade against the attempt to hope and believe, sincerely anxious to avoid erect a slave empire, the character of the a war.
struggle was, or could be at the outset, sufThe continuance of the general disarma- ficiently apparent to produce its full morment in America divests any claims which al effects. Did he ever experience a chilmay be presented by that government of ler blast of adverse sentiment in the “ coldthe air of intimidation ; and, surely, every est ” society of aristocratic London than that
which blew upon him, and all enemies of the greatest offence, and the memory of slavery, but a few weeks ago from his own which rankles most deeply, is the concession coast, when Connecticut refused political of belligerent rights to the South. To this rights to the negroes ? Did not an American the American ambassador, on behalf of his proclaim the other day to English scepticism Government, still reverts in a tone of unathat after all it was right, for that, to the bated resentment. It is for this, as we susbest men in America, the negro was an ob- pect, that we are being called to account in ject of loathing? Is there not among his the case of the Alabama, almost as much as own countrymen, at this moment, a consid- for the depredations of the Alabama themerable party entitled to the sympathy only selves. of these Englishmen who are for the Con- Now, no Englishman, however great may stitution as it is, the Union as it was, and be bis admiration of America, however the negroes as they were ?”
strong may be his conviction that her greatIf the object of the civil war had been ness is, or ought to be, identical with that of simply to restore the territorial greatness of the nation from which she sprang, however the American republic, it might have com- firmly he may have believed that the hopes manded the sympathies of those whose po- of humanity were bound up in the cause of litical views lead them to wish that the the North, however warmly he may have American republic should be very powerful resented all proceedings on the part of his and influential among nations. But no man own countrymen adverse to that cause, even is bound by any moral obligation to have though he may have incurred the opprothis object at heart, much less to desire that brium of a “ Yankee ” and an “un-Englishit should be sought at the cost of an effusion man," can scarcely hope to be regarded by (which long seemed an utterly hopeless ef- Americans as free from partiality in passing fusion) of seas of blood.
judgment on the acts of his own country. Each of the two kindred nations has in But Englishmen, of whom all this is true, it explosive elements, which are dangerous are not able, after giving the case the best to the common peace and welfare. We and calmest consideration in their power, to have our Tory aristocracy, our Liverpool see that in this matter their Government plutocracy, our High Church Bishops. The did, much less that it intended, a substanAmericans have their Fenians, their slave- tial wrong. owners, their violent war politicians. There A power had sprung into existence, inis much on both sides to be controlled, and famous, traitorous, and accursed it may be, though, upon the whole, the control has but exercising dominion practically combeen effectual, we must not wonder if there plete over a vast and united territory, and is still something on both sides to be for- having mighty armaments in the field.' That given. England may be reasonably expert- at some point this power must have been ed to bury in magnanimous oblivion the recognized as possessing belligerent rights, unauthorized sallies of American subordi- all parties will allow. And never for one nates. Americans may be as reasonably single moment, or in one single transaction, (and, considering their splendid victory over did the Federals themselves withhold those all their enemies and detractors, more reas- rights from their opponents. Never from onably) expected to bury in magnanimous the time when the first shots were interoblivion the vain fulminations of our ora- changed between the besiegers and the gartors, the unheard prayers of our prelates, rison of Fort Sumter, did the Federals themand the unfulfilled predictions of our po- selves incur in a single instance the awful
risk of treating the Confederates as rebels, At all events, let want of sympathy, how- to be hanged when they were taken, not as ever discreditable and provoking, be retali- regular enemies, entitled to quarter, and to ated by want of sympathy, not by slaughter all the other rights of regular war. and destruction. Every soldier who should The only question, then, was as to the fall merely to avenge the wounded self- time when the recognition of belligerency esteem of his nation, would be murdered by should take place. This question, dependthe government which sent him into the ing on the extent of an insurrection and the field. We moralize on the king who plunged consistency which it has a sumed, is, of two nations in blood to avenge an epigram course, one which in any given case it is on his mistress. Why are these things less very difficult to decide. No one can decide horrible in nations than in kings?
it infallibly. But the judgment of a byOf the acts of the English Government, stander, provided he is acting in good faith, as distinguished from the general attitude is more likely to be right than that of either of the English nation, the one which gave of the parties engaged. It appears to us
that our Government was right, or, at all | ports.
But at the time it was unquesevents, that it was not palpably wrong, in tionably founded on the real state of the deciding that there existed from the moment case between the Federals and Confedof the Secession a great power, which neutrals erates, as it appeared to the most ardent could not avoid recognizing as belligerent, friends of the Federals on this side of the and investing with the rights — and it must water. The measure emanated, in fact, imbe remembered at the same time with the mediately, not from any diplomatic delibliabilities - belonging to that character. erations in the bosom of the Cabinet itself, Such was, in fact, the opinion of Americans but from the call which our Admiral on the themselves, when, not having our conduct station addressed to his Government for a or any other disturbing consideration before rule of conduct, on merely professional their eyes, they were led to take an impar- grounds. tial view of the subject. The judgment of That an English Government, looking at the United States Court in 1862, cited by the question in the interest of England, deLord Russell, in laying down the law in fa- sired to give strength to the rebellion, and vour of the course taken by the American to prolong the civil war, and that it set Government, practically rules the question justice and decency at defiance for that diaof belligerency in favour of ours.
bolical purpose, will not be easily believed “This greatest of civil wars was not by any one who remembers the awful peril, gradually developed by popular commotion, not only commercial, but social, with which tumultuous assemblies, or local organized the cotton famine threatened us, and the insurrections. However long may have thrill of alarm and horror which, upon the been its previous conception, it nevertheless dawning of that peril, ran through the whole sprang forth suddenly from the parent brain, land. The minds of many Americans, in a Minerva in the full panoply of war. The judging of the motives which have actuated President was bound to meet it in the shape England, are full of the gains which we are it presented itself without waiting for Con- supposed to have made, or hoped to make gress to baptize it with a name; and no out of American calamity by trafficking in name given to it by him or them could Confederate bonds, and for which a great change the fact.”
nation is imagined to have sold its honour ; It would be a curious instance of the though such a speculation is to the general inconvenience resulting from the want of trade of England as the contents of a pedcognate words in the English language, if lar's pack are to the contents of the greatthe friendly relations between the two por- est warehouse in New York. It is forgotten tions of the English race were to be dis- that we had the most tremendous motive for turbed because, while they were agreed that desiring the peace and tranquillity of the there was a war, one of them denied that republic; and that, in fact, we have borne there were belligerents.
to an enormous extent the pecuniary burLet us suppose, however, that the British den of what to us also was almost a civil Government were mistaken. They cannot war. be the proper objects of serious blame, much As to the substance of this act of its Govless of sanguinary vengeance, if, in a mat- ernment, then, the conscience of the Engter notoriously difficult and doubtful, they lish nation is clear; and if a war were acted in good faith.
forced on England ostensibly or really on Now, that they did act in good faith, that that ground, she would have much reason they were determined in recognizing the indeed to mourn (and on other grounds than Confederates as belligerents, not by any un- that of loss of money or even of blood), friendly designs or feelings towards the Fed- but she could have no reason to fear; for eral Government, but by an honest sense of she would be fighting as the North has been the necessity of the case, is a fact about fighting, in self-defence and for the right. which we believe no candid and reasonable There was more ground for complaint, Englishman, however little he may have ad- we must frankly confess, as to the manner mired the Government of that day, enter- in which the act was done. Full of allictains any serious doubt. ord Russell has, tion and anguish as the American na tion perhaps, in the course and under the po- then was, under the pressure of a sudden semical temptations of the controversy, cast and overwhelming calamity, every right a shadow of retrospective suspicion on the feeling dictated that a step which, however character of his own act by defending it too inevitable, could not fail to be most unwelmuch on mere technical grounds, such as come, should be taken with all the forms of the declaration by the Federal Government studious and considerate courtesy of which of an intended blockade of the Southern the circunstances of the case would per