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F For where wages are paid before the object agriculture, where ploughing and sowing must precede by several months the harvesting of the crop; as in the erection of buildings, the construction of ships, railroads, canals, etc.it is clear that the owners of the capital paid in wages cannot expect an immediate return, but, as the phrase is, must "outlay it" or "lie out of it" for a time which sometimes amounts to many years. And hence, if first principles are not kept in mind, it is easy to jump to the conclusion that wages are advanced by capital (p. 44).

of the labor is obtained, or is finished-as in

Those who have paid attention to the argument of former parts of this paper may not be able to understand how, if sound" first principles are kept in mind," any other conclusion can be reached, whether by jumping, or by any other mode of logical progression. But the first principle which our author" keeps in mind possesses just that amount of ambiguity which enables him to play hocuspocus with it. It is this-that "the creation of value does not depend upon the finishing of the product" (p. 44).

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There is no doubt that, under certain limitations, this proposition is correct. It is not true that "labor always adds to capital by its exertion before it takes from capital its wages" (p. 44), but it is true that it may, and often does, produce that effect.

To take one of the examples given, the construction of a ship. The shaping of the timbers undoubtedly gives them a value (for a shipbuilder) which they did not possess before. When they are put together to constitute the framework of the ship, there is a still further addition of value (for a shipbuilder); and when the outside planking is added, there is another addition (for a shipbuilder). Suppose everything else about the hull is finished, except the one little item of caulk ing the seams, there is no doubt that it has now still more value for a shipbuilder. But for whom else has it any value, except perhaps for a fire-wood merchant? What price will any one who wants a ship that is to say, something that will carry

a cargo from one port to another-give for the unfinished vessel which would take water in at every seam and go down in half an hour, if she were launched? Suppose the shipbuilder's capital to fail before the vessel is caulked, and that he cannot find another shipbuilder who cares to buy and finish it, what sort of proportion does the value created by the labor, for which he has paid out of his capital, stand to that of his advances? Surely no one will give him one-tenth of the capital disbursed in wages, perhaps not so much even as the prime cost of the raw materials. Therefore, though the assertion that "the creation of value does not depend on the finishing of the product" may be strictly true under certain circumstances, it need not be and is not always true. And, if it is meant to imply or suggest that the creation of value in a manufac tured article does not depend upon the finishing of that article, a more serious error could hardly be propounded.

Is there not a prodigious difference in the value of an uncaulked and in that of a finished ship; between the value of a house in which only the tiles of the roof are wanting and a finished house; between that of a clock which only lacks the escapement and a finished clock?

As ships, house, and clock, the unfinished articles have no value whateverthat is to say, no person who wanted to purchase one of these things, for immediate use, would give a farthing for either. The only value they can have apart from that of the materials they contain is either that which they possess for some one who can finish them, or for some one who can make use of parts of them for the construction of other things. A man might buy an unfinished house for the sake of the bricks; or he might buy an incomplete clock to use the works for some other piece of machinery.

Thus, though every stage of the labor bestowed on raw material for the purpose of giving rise to a certain product confers some additional value on that material in the estimation of those who are engaged in manufacturing that product-the ratio of that accumulated value, at any stage of the process, to the value of the finished product is extremely inconstant, and often small; while, to other persons, the value of the unfinished product may be nothing, or even a minus quantity. A house.

timber merchant, for example, might consider that wood which had been worked into the ribs of a ship was spoiled-that is, had less value than it had as a log.

According to Progress and Poverty, there was, really, no advance of capital while the great St. Gothard tunnel was cut. Suppose that, as the Swiss and Italian halves of the tunnel approached to within half a kilometre, that half-kilometre had turned out to be composed of practically impenetrable rock-would anybody have given a centime for the unfinished tunnel? And if not, how comes it that "the creation of value does not depend on the finishing of the product"?

I think it may be not too much to say that, of all the political delusions which are current in this queer world, the very stupidest are those which assume that labor and capital are necessarily antagonistic; that all capital is produced by labor

and therefore, by natural right, is the property of the laborer; that the possessor of capital is a robber who preys on the workman and appropriates to himself that which he has had no share in producing.

On the contrary, capital and labor are, necessarily, close allies; capital is never a product of human labor alone; it exists apart from human labor; it is the necessary antecedent of labor; and it furnishes the materials on which labor is employed. The only indispensable form of capitalvital capital-cannot be produced by human labor. All that man can do is to favor its formation by the real producers. There is no intrinsic relation between the amount of labor bestowed on an article and its value in exchange. The claim of labor to the total result of operations which are rendered possible only by capital is simply an a priori iniquity.-Nineteenth Century.

THE IRISH-AMERICANS: THEIR POSITION AND INFLUENCE.

CONSIDERING that now relations, political, commercial, and social, are being rapidly developed between America and England, that friendly understandings are being consolidated between the two peo ples-not long ago divided by clannish prejudices and mutual misunderstandings, and separated by those jealousies which must of necessity arise between two great commercial powers, of which the one is too proud to endure an equal and the other too haughty to brook a superior-it has often been a matter of surprise to us that the people of England know so little, or, what is the same thing, care so little, about a factor in American life, which, though they may affect to treat it with contempt, is a mighty and potent factor, in the social and political system of the United States, a factor which is actually moulded into American life, and a factor which has exercised, and can exercise, a powerful influence on the relations which subsist and may spring up between Great Britain and the United States. We refer to that large portion of the American population which is known by the name of Irish-American. Much has been heard about this for many years past, in connec tion with the rapid rise and progress of

the Land League and of the National League, with the vast sums of money forwarded from America for the promotion of the objects of these associations, and for the attainment of their ultimate aims; and partly and indirectly in connection with the Cronin trial. From these and similar indications the people of England may learn that in the political life of America there is a vast substratum of Irish sentiment and Irish opinion, and that these must operate in a powerful and significant manner on the current political affairs of America. Yet it is only dimly and through the small end of the telescope that the influential part played by Irish-Americans is perceived; often it is perceived through the mist of political prejudices and race hatred. To form a more correct idea of this influence a wider, nobler, and clearer view must be taken; we must look beyond the mere outlines of the case, we must probe deeper into, and seek farther through, the doubts and confusion that obscure this question; for it is only by minds void of prepossessions and hearts divested of prejudices that the question can be fully and properly understood. Prejudices are, we admit, hard to get rid of. They are especially hard in

the case of the peoples of England and Ireland. They have been fostered and cherished and stimulated by bitter animosities and fierce sectarian and race feuds, which have been the growth of several centuries of cruel oppression and heartless domination on the one side; and, on the other, by the insults offered to the haughty spirits of a vanquished but high-souled people. In war or peace the motto of the barbarian of old-væ victis-has ever been held true. The oppression practised by the conquerors when they had once attained the mastery over their less powerful neighbors, together with those insults to which, during centuries, they have been compelled to submit-insults to their national pride, to their national or adopted religion, and to those innate feelings which urge men to act bravely, to live nobly, to love liberty and to die fearlessly, originated hates and feuds which are now almost forgotten by Englishmen, and which are becoming rapidly effaced from the recollection of Irishmen.

Yet it is these same hates, these same bitter remembrances of the past, which forms so important an element in the character of the American-Gael, and which cause him to be an object of great importance to America, and of grave concern to Britain. The memory, and above all the memory of wrongs inflicted, and of injuries unrevenged, is very deep and abiding in all peoples of Gaelic origin, and, especially, in those portions of the race which have settled in these islands. An unprovoked insult, an uncalled-for affront, cuts them to the very heart. The Saxon would, perhaps, resent such an injury, but he would do so with care, with deliberation, with force; perhaps, he would let it pass out of his mind forever, scorning to return an insult which might have been offered in a moment of passion, with no premeditation, no latent design of doing wrong. The Celt is not endowed with a temper so placid. His revenge, if the means of gratifying it were at hand, would be short and sharp. He would, with all the energy of his fiery and impressionable nature, return blow for blow, wrong for wrong, insult for insult. If the means for satiating his passion were not at hand, he would treasure in his mind the wrong done him, he would brood over it, and even when he himself could not have rccourse to the wild justice of despair, he

has often been heard, as occurred in many cases during the fearful famine of 1847, to assert his resolve to demand vengeance on his foe before the judgment-seat of God. These are characteristics of the race, and, strange to say, they do not pass away from the breast of the Irish when they settle in strange lands, and are brought into contact with other peoples. They seem to become stronger and fiercer when the Celt is removed from his natal land. And from the moment the Irish hills pass from his view till the last moment of his existence, they grow gradually in intensity, and assume more defined forms. These sentiments of hatred toward his foe-and Britain he imagines has been the inveterate foe of his country, his religion, and of himself-are transported beyond the sea, they are carried into the far West. There they are being nursed, and fostered, and treasured. When the living man expires, even then they do not expire with him. They are handed on from father to son, from son to grandson. Hence it is that to-day we find in the Irish-American feelings which cannot be found in any other people on the globe; feelings which do not exist in the German-American, in the Polish-American, even, if we may so put it, in the BritishAmerican. We find the Irish-American citizen to be a man who loves far dearer the land of his ancestors and his peoplethe land which perhaps he has never seen, and never may see, and of which he has heard only by tales told at the hearth, or read of in historical works-than the land of his adoption. To Ireland-to promote her interests, to further her welfare, to guard her honor-he devotes all the energy of his mind; he sacrifices all that he can afford. He thinks no task too difficult, no effort too expensive, no toil too laborious, provided that he can advance her happiness, or relieve her sufferings. In the words of the child, who in the massacre of Glencoe appealed to Glenlyon to spare his life, for Ireland "he would do anything, he would go anywhere." so he has done. Now these sentiments are no mere passing whims and transient fantasies which last for a time, when some story of heartless evictions is wafted across the Atlantic, when by some reports 'he imagines that England is growing more callous to the calls of Ireland, more deaf to her appeals. It is, as we have before

And

mentioned, with him a matter of profound conviction, a feeling that is deeply fixed in his inmost soul, an abiding powerful opinion. Of this fact account must be taken by England in her future relations with the United States, if she be not blind to her own. interests, to the interests of her young commercial rival, and to the prosperity of both. Importance must also be attached to the vast number of persons of Irish blood or of Irish extraction who reside in the United States. On this point the ignorance evinced by the average Englishman is really astonishing. In his opinion, the Irish in America are an inconsiderable fraction of the great population of the States. He has heard of the Clan-naGael Society, of the Dynamitards, perhaps indirectly of the Irish National League in the States. He rails at these Irish-Americans, smiles confidently at their weakness, their insignificance. He indulges in a good-natured laugh at their attempts, as he thinks to look important. "Bah !" he says to himself, "these people are to be pitied rather than to be viewed with concern or care; they number but a handful; of wealth they have none; in social status they are nowhere. England never has feared, never will fear, these fellows." Now, in reality, England has every reason, we will not say to fear, but to view with anxiety this class of American citizens. They are not few in number, nor is their wealth little, nor their social standing low.

They are already counted by millions, they are scattered in large numbers in every State, from Boston to San Francisco, from Washington to New Orleans. They have settled in immense numbers along the base of the Alleghany Mountains, by the shores of the lakes, and in the gold-fields of the far West. In many States, the highest, the most important, the most coveted positions are in the hands of Irishmen. Members of Congress, senators, the great executive functionaries, the police, the bar, the bench, are all largely recruited from the ranks of the Celt. In the Catholic Church, which, as Macaulay observed, has been more than recompensed in the New World for what she has lost in the Old, which in point of numbers is the National Church of the States, and which holds out every promise of becoming in every point the National Church of the future, the loftiest and most sacred func

tions are filled by ecclesiastics of Irish extraction, or of Irish birth. In a word, the Catholic Church in the States has been founded, fostered, formed, for a magnificent future by Irish exiles. We may safely surmise that at present there are in the States from 50 to 60 millions of people; we may likewise venture to state that of these from 12 to 13 millions are, probably, of Irish blood or of Irish birth. Among every half-dozen Yankees there is at least one bound by some ties to Ireland. And now comes the question, is the Republic in any way deeply indebted to these Irish citizens? Have they, with their large numbers, high social standing, great places of trust, contributed aught to her glory or added aught to her commercial greatness, refined her social taste, or assisted in laying the foundations of the real happiness of her people, the real security of her laws, the influence of her civic virtues, which more than anything else give power and permanency to a naissant and mighty nation? The answer is unques. tionably affirmative. We have only to look back on the past, and to scan the present, state of American affairs to feel certain of this.

In the momentous struggle of the American colonies in the last century for their freedom, Englishmen are now apt to boast that the standard of rebellion was raised by Englishmen, by them carried aloft in good and bad fortune through the war, and by them finally hoisted in triumph. Do these boasts stand the test of strict investigation? We think not: we think they are not justified by facts. Every earnest student of the history of that struggle-so fraught with interest to the future progress of man-knows well that, as the Tories themselves, in an address presented to King George, said, that fully as many Englishmen had joined the Royal troops as had joined the armies of the insurgents; and we are assured by an eminent authority that at least 25,000 British-Americans fought against American independence. These are telling facts. They are rendered more telling by the circumstance that on the march of the English forces out of Boston, whence they were forced by Washington, they were accompanied by 1100 Tory traders of New York and Boston. What part did the Celt take in the struggle? The stream of emigration from Ireland had not then set

in fully. Yet even at that period there were emigrations. The Presbyterian farmers of the north of Ireland had left the country in large numbers, expecting from the Government no relief from the exactions of absentee landlords. They had set out in still larger numbers after the suppression of the Hearts of Steel. They were largely followed by the Catholic farmers of the South. Now Froudeno friend of Ireland-says that among the most forward in council, the most outspoken in Congress, the most intrepid on the field were the Irish. A Royal gen eral, Montgomery, being questioned as to the strength of the Americans, said that fully one-half of the rebel forces were Irish. So speaks Ramsay in bis History of the Revolution. In American military annals no names are more honored than those of the Butlers, Merylans, Sullivans, Warnes-all unmistakably pointing to their origin. In the part of the temple of fame set apart for the honor of the departed heroes of the sea, no niche would occupy a higher place than that of Sancy, old Jack Barry, and later on than that of the fearless Parnell. Nay, strangely enough, fate willed that the Irish, the sons and grandsons of those who left Ireland after the siege of Limerick, and of the wild geese" of Kerry and Clare, of Kerry and Clare, under the banners of France, should take part in the struggle in connection with which the name of Count Dillon will long be remembered. Thus we can see the great part played by the Celt in the first great American conflict; we can see him in every part of the struggle, in the thickest of the fiery conflict, in the Senate, in the Council, at the Press, all to a man everywhere" hurling defiance to the foc." We have often thought that through Ireland, and Ireland solely, was America lost to England. So in every national struggle, in every national revolution, Irishmen have come to the front. Even in the last great war between North and South-a war of which the full magnitude can only be appreciated by future generations-was there a more cautious commander, a more intrepid soldier, one more loved by his friends or respected by his foes, than General Phil Sheridan ? In fact, in every page of the history of the United States, from its inception to the present moment, the effects of the words and deeds of Irishmen are legible. We can thus see how

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Ireland has contributed her share in building up and supporting a free American constitution, what sacrifices she has made, what blood she has shed. Who then can wonder at the vast influence exerted by the Irish-Americans on American politics, when we consider their numbers, when we reflect on their glorious record? One point we would specially allude to. The Irish in America are a homogeneous people. They have never lost the distinctive marks of their separate existence as a nation. Though surrounded by various peoples, various creeds, and employing various modes of life, the Irishman has still managed to remind himself, and to remind others, to what country he belongs. Intermarriage has not, to any appreciable extent, disturbed this state of affairs. an Irishman marry an Englishwoman he still remains Irish to the core. If an Irishwoman choose an Englishman for husband, the odds are ten to one but that she will rear up her children in her own national religion, and inspire them with her national ideas. She will speak to them of the triumph of Clontarf, and Malachy's collar of gold, lull them to sleep by some wild mournful chant of the woes inflicted on the Gael by the Saxon, of the treason of Mac Murrough, of the massacre of Mullagmast, and of the violated treatystone of Limerick. Nay, in many English homes in the States, in which an Irishwoman is the mother, may be seen little portraits of Molyneux, and Grattan, and O'Connell, and perhaps there may be read some lines commemorating the chivalry and heroism and purity of soul of Emmet, of his enterprise, and of its results.

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One other feature-a feature which springs from their existence as children of one common motherland, and as members of one common creed-may be noticed. They are to an extraordinary degree liberal, generous, nay, even munificent. all their trials and troubles, especially in those in which any of their number suffer for the sake of their common cause, their open-handed and open-hearted munificence knows no bounds. Their sympathy is heartfelt, and their aid liberal to an extreme. No people on the globe afford a finer example of the practice of pure, unselfish generosity than they; no people exist who esteem less money for its own sake than they. We all remember the plentiful provision that was made for the

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