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-the forcible redistribution of wealth by But if either of them attempt to replace the State, Christian Socialisnı is a contra. the other, if ever the State attempt to diction in terms; for Christianity knows discharge the functions of the Church, or nothing of force ; its motive power is love, the Church to usurp the powers of the and where force begins love ends. And State, the result will full surely be “ this is the real meaning of the saying that fusion and every evil work.” we cannot make men virtuous by Act of All this, I should have thought, was the Parliament. We cannot do so because very A B C of Christian, as distinguished free willingness is of the essence of all from merely political, ethics, and known virtue. We can, therefore, no more have therefore by this time to all who know State Christian Benevolence than we can anything of the subject ; were it not that have State Christian Temperance, or State we see so many persons, in other respects Christian Chastity, or State Christian vir- apparently intelligent and well informed, tue of any kind whatsoever. To talk, there- strangely unconscious of all this. fore, of the State, in this matter of Social- When we bear earnest and pious men ism, compelling men to obey the pre- clamoring for the State to
put down" cepts of Christ " is to talk undiluted and this because it is
or to en. mischievous nonsense.
force that because it is."
so right,”-inThe conclusion from all that I have said sisting, that is to say, that the State shall seems to me then to be briefly this. The constitute itself the guardian of men's Church is not and cannot become the souls as it is the guardian of their bodies, State ; the State is not and cannot become and as such that it should repress all vice the Church. These words stand for two and all irreligion as it is bound to repress wholly distinct and different societies ; all crime—we are ainazed that they do not having different aims, different laws, and see what results would follow from their different methods of government. The principles if logically carried out. Once, State exists for the preservation of men's and once only, in our history were they so bodies ; the Church for the salvation of carried out. It was during the brief but their souls. The aim of the State, even terrible reign of the saints in England, and put at its highest, is the welfare of its those who know what a sour, sullen and citizens in this world ; the aim of the dreary tyranny that reign established, what Church is their holiness here in order to hypocrisy it fostered and what a wildly their welfare hereafter. The duty of the licentious reaction it produced, may well Church is to eradicate sin ; the duty of view with anxiety symptoms of an attempt the State is to prevent or to punish crime. to revive such a government among, us
These two kingdoms co-exist, and to a now ; believing that it would result in a certain extent even coincide, forbidding fussy, prying, omnipresent and utterly nn. and allowing often the same things, though endurable rule of faddists and of fanatics, not for the same reasons, but their laws to be followed after a time by just such an are never co-extensive ; the Church for- outburst of licentiousness as marked the bidding much that the State must allow, period of our Restoration. It is for this the State forbidding some things that the reason that I, for one, do not care to see Church allows ; nay, they may even con. the sanction of Christianity invoked on flict, and often have done so, the State behalf of any schemes of political change. sometimes forbidding and punishing as a Christianity is no more a" judge and di
. crime what the Church commands as a vider" of men's " inheritance" now than duty. Allied they may be, and have
not happen to apply, inasmuch as I have never been, with great gain to the State, and
maintained that any precept of Christ requires lesser, though real gain, to the Church.*
the State to establish the Church or to give
me “my place in the House of Lords. Even * This principle of alliance between Church a heathen state, and a fortiori therefore a and State is obviously a sufficient logical ground Christian one, might conceivably establish for that establishment of the Church by the and endow å Christian Church on the ground State which sundry persons have lately been merely of utility, believing that its teaching telling me is quite inconsistent with my as- tended to humanize and civilize its subjects sertion that it is not the duty of the State to and so to render easier the task of governing obey or to enforce all the precepts of Christ, them ; but in so doing, whether acting wisely 80 that if I were logically consistent I ought or unwisely, it would certainly not be acting to resign my bishopric. A tu quoque is no ar- nor claiming to act in obedience to any comgument ; but in this case the tu quoque does mand of Christ.}
66 make to
was her Master long ago. Men may not of you, for their sakes, to take heed lest now any more than they might then take you make any economic mistake in conHim by force to make Him a king.' structing your new couches sociales ; for,
Speaking as a Christian then and not as if you do, it will not be the rich but the a politician, I would venture to say to the poor who will be the chief sufferers from Socialist, Deal with all those questions of such mistake. Riches can redistribution of wealth with which you themselves wings and fly away.' Rich are busying yourself as you may deem men can obey at least one Christian preright and expedient. Adopt for your cept ; "persecuted in one city' they can guidance in dealing with them any one of • flee unto another." The poor cannot the current political or social maxims that do this. They are adscripti glebæ ; they may cominend itself to you. Start, if you must stay and bear the weight of any please, with the maxim that all property is harm that you may have done to the comrobbery ; or that all men have an equal monwealth. You may send political econright to an equal share in all things ; or omy and common sense with it that property should pay ransom for its voyage to Jupiter,” but when they come safety ; or that the State should own not back, as they are sure to do sooner or only all land but all goods and chattels later, with a heavy bill for travelling exwhatsoever ; or that it should regulate the penses, it will not be the rich but the poor hours and price of all labor, and therefore, who will have to pay the greater part of by just and necessary consequence, ulti- that bill. mately the price of all other commodities ; One word more, and it is a word that I that it should, in short, convert itself into am very desirous of saying.
When I asa sort of magical universal provider, sert, as I do, that the laws of Christ's giving to every one everything that he Church cannot safely nor justly be all of wants and yet to no one more than to any them transferred to the statute-book of one else.
Adopt even, if any one has the the State, that we neither can nor ought courage now to adopt it, the preposterous to turn the Acts of the Apostles into Acts and immoral maxim of “the greatest hap- of Parliament, I am as far as possible from piness of the greatest number”.
-a maxim asserting that Christianity has nothing to which would justify a tribe of Red Indians do with politics. On the contrary, I in torturing, or a tribe of cannibals in maintain that it bas everything to do with killing and cating, their prisoners. Take them; not, however, directly but indias your political creed any one of these or rectly ; not by way of compelling men by any other that you may prefer ; all that law to observe its precepts; but by way we ask of you is not to dignify any one of of inspiring men with its spirit. Justice, these beliefs with the name of Christian. which is the primary and main obligation Stamp your political coinage, whether of of the State, is, as í bave said, no invenpure or of base metal, with the image and tion of Christianity ; nevertheless Chrissuperscription of the political Cæsar, inob tiarity bus greatly enlarged and ennobled or monarch, to whom you give your alle- our ideas of justice, while giving us also giance; buy with it in the vote-market
new and most powerful motives for being power and place for yourself or your par. just. ty ; but do not forge upon it the “ image It has done so mainly by its revelation and superscription of our King. Two of the great idea of the brotherhood of all things only, as it seems to me, has Chris- men in Christ. This idea at once enlarges tianity to say to you. One is; in all your the area over which justice is obligatory. dealings with wealth and property be just : There was a time when no state held itself just to the rich as well as the poor, to the bound to be just to any save its own subemployer as well as to the laborer, to the jects. The stranger had absolutely no minority as well as to the majority, to the claim in its eyes to justice ; he might be classes as well as to the masses. See that plundered, captured, enslaved, slain, and you do not, even in order to
no one so much as dreamed that any inthousand men from suffering, inflict un- justice was being done to him. Chrismerited or unrequited suffering on even a tianity has proclaimed that this stranger is single individual. And in the next place a brother, and has therefore against all -pleading, as Christianity is ever bound men the claims and the rights of brotherto plead, the cause of the poor—we pray hood. Such teaching at once revolution
izes the relations of State to State, pro- possess, tenderly desirous that we do him, claiming as it does that whatever of justice in his weakness, no injustice ; our ears, or equity any State owes to its own sub- no longer clogged with selfish thoughts for jects, the same is owed by it to the subjects our own rights and interests, will be of all other States.
open to his cry.” We may still hold Take, again, the influence of Christianity ourselves bound in our legislation to be no
It has not forbidden war, but more than just even to him ; but as it has at once limited and softened it by Christian legislators we shall feel a ater teaching us that those with whom we may readiness to yield this justice to him fully be compelled to war are nevertheless still and completely. our brethren, and that therefore nothing In all these ways, and in a thousand save the absolute duty of self-defence others, Christianity is exercising a vast should induce us to use force against them, and a most beneficent influence upon poliand that when we do reluctantly use it in tics ; but that influence is indirect. It the last resort, we should do so no further acts, not by filling the statute book with than is strictly necessary for defence. Christian precepts, but by filling the hearts War, therefore, for the Christian states- of legislators with Christian feelings and man will never be anything but a painful motives. If we want, however, to check, necessity. Wars of ambition or of re- or even to destroy, this beneficent work of venge will be to him wholly abhorrent, Christianity, we shall do so effectually by and wars of self-defence will be conducted attempting to force all its teachings upon by him with as much of mercy and of all men in the shape of positive enactcompassion as is compatible with the use ments, The clumsy hands of the State of armed force in any shape or form. are incapable of administering those Di
Slavery, again, is not direcily forbidden vine laws which deal with the conscience by any distinct Christian precept ; never- and the soul. If it meddles with these it theless Christianity when it commanded will either perilously relax them lest they inasters to render unto their servants prove too severe, or, in attempting to enthat which is just and equal,” proclained force them, it will excite against them a a principle which at last, alas ! at long dangerous revolt. last, compelled men to see that slavery is a All along the stream of living water horrible injustice, and that the only way whicb, issuing from beneath the cross of to render to the slave that which is just” Christ, follows us through the world's is to set him free.
wilderness, grow the fresher leaf and riper Take, again, the influence of Christian- fruit of Christian life ; but, if touched by ity on our criminal law. That law has the freezing breath of force, it hardens been in times past cruel and barbarous. into a cold and lifeless and yet fragile Christianity has at last softened it, not by mass, which chills and withers even unto teaching that a brother is to be forgiven death all that it once cherished and susall his offences against the State, nor by tained. teaching that “ the aim of all punishment When, however, we have thus defined is the reformation of the offender''-a the spheres of Church and State—when maxim which is ethically doubtful and we bave seen that these lie in different politically false ; but by teaching that be- planes and are acted on by different forces cause he is a brother we must be jealously and to different ends—we have not therecareful that his punisbment shall never be by diminished, we have, on the contrary, greater than
needed for the restraint of enhanced the obligations of the Church. his offence ; all punishment in excess of Precisely because Christian virtues do not this being cruel, and legal cruelty being lie within the province of the State to enonly a form of injustice.
force, all the more is it the duty of the Take one instance more ; the influence Church to enforce them by every means of Christianity upon legislation as regards within Her power, What she may not the poor. Christianity has not said that ask the State to do for her, all the more there shall be no poor, nor has it in any earnestly should she, for that very reason, way enlarged the poor man's rights as a strive to do for herself. If she had always citizen. But in telling us that he is our done this fully, fearlessly, faithfully, selfbrother, it bids us be willing, and even denyingly, as she should have done ; if all cager, to recognize whatever rights he may professing Christians had lived up, or even tried to live up to the teachings of Christ, one, in which many greater and better we should bave heard less than we now men than myself have entangled and therehear of these wild theories of State Social. by severely lacerated themselves ere now, ism, which, in their very wildness, often and I am quite ready to accept this as my show us how hot and bitter the hearts of fate likewise. All that I really care for is men may grow at the sight of sufferings to vindicate myself, as one who, however which Christianity might largely bave re- unworthily, holds the office of a ruler and lieved, and of sins and shames and sorrows a teacher in the Christian Church, from which it might largely have diminished. the charges of “immorality" and "horThis assuredly is true, and this, as it seems rible” atheism which have so freely been to me, is the one great lesson which the brought against me in this matter. If, Church in our day has to learn- which she after this explanation, it should give any is, I believe, learning more and more- pleasure to my accusers, reverend and nonfrom this demand for the new Socialism, reverend, to repeat these accusations, they whether it come from those who love or are perfectly welcome to do so. I venture • from those who hate her and her Master. to anticipate that if they are only com
And now I have said my say-very monly honest and do not once more wilprobably once more to my own hurt and fully misquote and distort my words, the to the great satisfaction of sundry critics, verdict of those at least who may have read who I have no doubt will find in what I this article will be one of acquittal. — have said plenty to criticise. The subject Fortnightly Review. of social and political ethics is a thoruy
A SWIMMER'S DREAM.
NOVEMBER 4, 1889.
BY ALGERNON CHARLES SWINBURNE,
Somno mollior unda.
Dawn is dim on the dark soft water,
Soft and passionate, dark and sweet.
Fair and flawless from face to feet,
Days more glad than their flight was feet.
Souls that hear not her word in vain,
Seem but shadows that wax and wane.
Shake forth sunlight and shine with rain.
Swells bencath me and laughs and sighs,
Laughs to know that it lives and dies,
Change that bids it subside and rise.
Hard and heavy, remote but nearing,
Sunless hangs the severe sky's weight,
Heaped on high to the sundawn's gate.
Now less mighty than time or fate.
Pale and sweet as a dream's delight,
Touched by dawn or subdued by night.
Lures and lulls him with dreams of light.
Change, and rest, and a charm of cloud,
Heaves and quivers and pants aloud
Strife more sweet than peace, of shoreless waves whose glee
Scorns the shore and loves the wind that leaves them free, Strange as sleep and pale as death and fair as life,
Shifts the moonlight-colored sunshine on the sea. Toward the sunset's goal the sunless waters crowd,
Fast as autumn days toward winter : yet it seems
Here that autumn wanes not, here that woods and streams Lose not heart and change not likeness, cbilled and bowed, Warped and wrinkled : here the days are fair as dreams.
What ails thee so to smile ?
Endured a woeful while,
From forth a flameless pile :
Bids all she looks on smile.
As wanes the morning moon,
Outbraves the pride of June
No fear lest death be soon :
Should wax to meet the moon,