to maintain a noble existence independently of the favour of foreign powers and the fluctuations of foreign commerce. Among the many wondrous things accomplished by the British nation between 1795 and 1815, certainly the payment of enormous taxation was not the least extraordinary. The revenue raised by taxation, from 21,000,0007. in 1796, had risen to 72,000,000%. within the year 1815. Besides this contribution to the public expenses in the form of tax, the capitalists were enabled to lend so much money to Government, that the expenditure for public purposes (including war) reached in each of the years 1814 and 1815 the enormous amount of 117,000,0007. Either the will or the way to pay taxes has been much enfeebled since that time, for now, with a population increased probably by two-fifths since 1815, it is with no slight difficulty that a much smaller revenue is raised. All matters of finance are rendered somewhat perplexing to the investigator by the different ways in which our public accounts are stated, the very same terms being sometimes used to signify different things. Thus we find in public returns for the year 1849 the net revenue of Customs set down as 22,194,600., and the net revenue of Excise as 14,985,8657.-but in such returns 'net revenue' appears to indicate what has been received after deducting drawbacks, allowances, &c., but not deducting the expenses of collection. Other returns of net revenue' show what the Exchequer has actually received in the years 1848 and 1849, after deducting the expenses of collection. The figures are as follows: Owing to the bias of the legislative classes of late years towards the encouragement of foreign commerce, almost all the efforts that have been made in favour of freedom of trade have had reference to Customs duties, or other restrictions upon the importation of foreign commodities. The operations of merchants are impeded and in some degree perplexed, as well as rendered more expensive, by Customs duties, or by prohibitions of certain commodities. All All Custom-House regulations are and must be more or less a hindrance to international commerce. But if we look to the productive industry of the country, the greatest public obstruction to its free and full development is undoubtedly the Excise. This arises not so much from the enhancement of the price of the articles produced and sold, as from the vexatious restrictions and interferences which are considered necessary in order to secure the collection of the Excise duty, and to prevent production going on surreptitiously. It is in vain that heavy fines are imposed and in many cases rigorously levied. The temptation is so great that no mere prohibition or penalty is found sufficient to deter the smuggler from the exercise of his ingenuity. Neither the enactments of Parliament nor the most solemn regulations of Her Majesty's Commissioners of Inland Revenue have that effect upon the general conscience which is the best safeguard against the commission of offences. Notwithstanding that Mr. M.Culloch deprecates in his most amiable and persuasive manner the earnestness of Judge Blackstone and the violence of Dr. Johnson against this branch of taxation, it is as difficult to persuade mankind in general that it ought to be borne with unmurmuring patience, as it is to convince the manufacturers of malt, of spirits, of paper, and of soap in particular, that to send these articles into the world without the payment of duty is a violation of the moral law. The following is an account of the Net Receipt' of Excise in the United Kingdom for the years 1848 and 1849—but the expenses of collection are not deducted : It is impossible that anything like perfect freedom of industry can exist in this country while such burdens as these are imposed upon upon it; and yet they are burdens which the circumstances of the State appear to render necessary. It seems inconceivable that anything but the prejudice of party, or the bias of self-interest, should lead any one to suppose that there can be justice, or anything like justice, in admitting the products of foreign industry without any sort of let or impediment into our markets, while the products of our own industry are so heavily taxed. What would the manufacturers of cotton yarn say, if it were proposed to levy five millions a-year upon all the produce which issues from their mills? And yet they view with the utmost coolness and equanimity. the impost of that sum upon the manufactured barley which issues from the kilns of the British maltster. What hardship wouldthere be in the one which does not belong to the other? We must do Mr. M'Culloch the justice to say that, whatever be his present opinion, his book On Taxation and the Funding System,' published in 1845, recognized the justice of a protecting duty upon foreign corn as a compensation to the land for the burdens thrown upon it, and upon its produce. The injurious influence of the Corn Laws, he then said, had been 'stupidly and factiously exaggerated;' and he added, that the substitution of a fixed duty of 5s. or 6s. a quarter instead of the then existing scale, in order to countervail the peculiar burdens falling on the land,' would be a signal improvement. The truth is, that we have not abandoned the system of Protection. We are still very strenuous Protectionists. The only difference is, that we have reversed the application of the principle-and, in place of protecting our own most important industry, protect to the utmost of our power the comparatively untaxed labour of other nations. It is curious to observe how very largely the Revenue of Great Britain depends on what goes into the mouth. In the above list of Excise Duties, we have Malt, Hops, Spirits, Licences to sell beer and spirits, and wine, producing an aggregate of upwards of twelve millions. Let us add a selection from the Customs Duties. These make not far short of fourteen millions more; and if to these we add Tobacco, which Sir James Graham classes with beer and spirits as the 'stimulants' of the people, we have another sum of nearly four and a half millions. The gross receipt of duty in 1849 was Unmanufactured Tobacco Manufactured ditto and Snuff £. 4,328,217 96,814 We have now a total of between thirty and thirty-one millions of money derived from taxation of the various articles which the mass of the people eat, drink, or smoke. Were the duties levied upon Wine included in this summary, the amount would be increased by 1,835,0717., but foreign wines are consumed only by the comparatively rich. The duty of between thirty and thirtyone millions is levied upon articles of universal consumption in England. All but a mere fraction of this may be in some sort regarded as voluntary taxation so far as the consumers are concerned. The stimulants' might be done without. We have, however, no wish that they should be. We should be glad to see the moderate and prudent consumption of them more general; but it may at the same time be affirmed that the Government will never have fully discharged its duties to society till the most stringent measures are resorted to for checking the vice of drunkenness, which is the parent of almost every other vice among the lower classes of the people. If every measure which tended to increase the price of the necessaries and comforts of life was therefore a burden to all classes, so far as it went, and if every measure which tended to diminish the price were in like manner a relief, the philosophy of taxation would be a simpler matter than it is. It is assumed by many dogmatizers that such simplicity exists. Whoever justly reflects upon the matter will see, however, that the question is in truth much more complex than these gentlemen admit-they will see that a measure which in its operation increases the price, even of the necessaries of life, may increase also the remuneration of those who produce such necessaries, and render House of Commons Debate, 21st February, 1850. them 6 them better able to pay a higher price than, in the absence of such a measure, they would be to pay a lower price. Taxation may operate, not as a burden upon all alike, in proportion to their consumption of the commodity taxed, but as a transfer of wealth from the non-workers to the workers-causing the non-workers to pay, and the workers to receive a larger price than otherwise would be paid and received respectively for what the one wants and the other supplies. When this theory is understood by the masses,' as it will be one day or another, they will revolt against the cheap system as a grinding oppression; and we are much of the opinion that, until the matter is distinctly understood throughout our working classes generally, there is little hope for the interests already so grievously smitten. That a widely spreading distress must teach the universal lesson, is our firm and sorrowful belief. For that they will in due time be made to feel themselves responsible, who condescended to take up, whether as the weapon of their vanity, or the cloak of their cowardice, the anti-patriotic theories of the old deluders of the people—those dexterous manipulators of facts' and of 'figures,' who, as Napoleon Buonaparte long ago prophetically said, if an empire were of adamant, would have power to grind it into dust.' ART. VII-Diary of a Dutiful Son. By H. E. O. London, 12mo. 1849. THIS HIS little volume was printed only for a limited circle of its author's friends; but though we have not the honour to be even among his acquaintance, a copy fell accidentally into our hands, and to our request for leave to quote a particular passage, the answer was, that we might make any use we chose of it. In such cases we can never suppose ourselves entitled to criticise with the freedom invited by actual publication; but we are always very willing to let our readers participate in the entertainment which we had privately relished. We shall do therefore by this Diary as we did lately in the case of Baron Wessenberg's Note-books. The brief Introduction is as follows-form of type included:After passing through the usual course of education, I spent some years in reading and reflection rather than in qualifying myself for any profitable employment. The result was a sufficiently good opinion of myself, and a serious discontent at the unjust dispensation of Providence in not having placed me in a station to become distinguished without taking any trouble about it. My father was of a very different way of thinking. He was a cautious man, had married late in life, and was convinced that no person ever ascertained that two and two make |