During the exchange of opinions on the preparations for the meeting of the representatives of the states participating in the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, to open in Vienna in November, the ministers underscored their states' determination to contribute to the development of the allEuropean process in all areas, in consideration of the participating countries' vested interests, and called for the unfolding of the conference in a constructive spirit and for the adoption of tangible measures to contribute to the recovery of the political climate, the resumption of the policy of detente and the intensification of collaboration on the basis of a strict observance of the principles and provisions under the Helsinki Final Act, as a unitary and balanced whole.

The adoption by the Vienna meeting would be of outstanding importance of a resolution on the organization, in the second phase of the Conference on Confidence- and Security-Building Measures and Disarmament in Europe, of negotiations on the substantial reduction of armed forces and conventional weapons, the building of confidence and the strengthening of security on the continent.

The ministers were for the lessening of tension in the Mediterranean, the transformation of that region into a zone of lasting peace, good neighbourliness and collaboration in the economy, science, technology and environmental protection, the renunciation of obstructionist policies and practices which are deeply harmful and bar mutually advantageous exchanges in these areas, the building up of confidence in interstate economic relations.

The states represented to the meeting declare for the expansion of exchanges of spiritual assets among nations, which are intended to lead to better mutual knowledge and understanding, to the easier access of the inhabitants of the continent to the heritage of human civilization and militate for a broad collaboration in the humanitarian area, for the full achievement of human rights, more particularly, of the right to a life of peace and freedom, in all fields, all while the sovereignty of the states is being observed.

The ministers expressed their hope that the constructive proposals advanced at the meeting of experts within the all-European process after the Madrid conference, as well as the experience of those meetings would contribute to the success of the Vienna meeting.

It was noted with satisfaction that the proposal of the states participating in the Warsaw Treaty to the effect that the Vienna conference should be attended by foreign ministers enjoyed broad support.

During the meeting it was stressed that the inviolability of frontiers, the observance of the territorial and political realities set after World War II and the postwar evolution were prerequisites for a lasting peace in Europe, for normal relations among the states on the continent.

The activity of revanchist forces, in the Federal Republic of Germany in particular, and the encouragement of revanchism, wherever it may occur. embitter the political climate and hinder a normal collaboration in Europe, all while posing a threat to international peace and security.

The ministers declared for the development of the mutually advantageous collaboration with the countries of the European Economic Community and reiterated their states' position for the establishment of official relations by the

Council for Mutual Economic Assistance and by every CEMA member country with the European Economic Community.

The states represented at the meeting are resolved to perseveringly continue the efforts for overcoming the continent's division and the building of a Europe of peace, friendly collaboration, and good neighbourliness. This is an objective that can be attained through energetic and joint actions of all European states and peoples.

3. The allied socialist states request the cessation of the imperialist policy of strength, dictat and aggression and resolutely declare for the observance of every people's right to decide its destiny by itself, free of interference from the outside. The ministers reiterated their states' principled position regarding the undelayed and correct, negotiated settlement of the conflicts and hotbeds of tension in the Near and Middle East, Southeast Asia, Central America, southern Africa and other regions of the world and declare for the strengthening of peace and security, development of relations of confidence, good neighborliness and collaboration in Asia and the Pacific Ocean, the Indian Ocean, Africa and Latin America.

Stress was laid on the need for organizing an international conference on the Middle East, under the UN aegis, and the creation to this end of a preparatory committee made up of representatives of the five permanent members of the Security Council and of all parties concerned.

Solidarity with and support to the peoples fighting for freedom, the consolidation of independence and socio-economic progress, against imperialism and colonialism were reiterated at the meeting.

The ministers consider that terrorism, state terrorism first of all, is a danger for international peace, security and collaboration. Stressing that they are ready to collaborate constructively with the other states on the elimination of this dangerous phenomenon, the participants in the meeting declared for the working out of international regulations and the endorsement of necessary measures with a view to averting and combating any acts of international terrorism.

In connection with the results of the Harare conference of heads of state and government of the nonaligned states, the ministers highlighted the growing contribution of the Nonaligned Movement to the struggle for the removal of the war danger, for disarmament, the securing of the peoples' right to free and independent development, for providing equitable bases to the international economic relations. The readiness of the states represented at the meeting was stressed to further enlarge the collaboration with the nonaligned states in all domains of international life.

The interests of security in the world and in its various parts require efforts toward revamping the international economic relations upon democratic bases, the establishment of a new international economic order apt to ensure to all states equal economic security, the eradication of underdevelopment, the global and equitable settlement of the foreign debt issue and the elimination from international practice of all forms of discrimination. The developing countries' neocolonial exploitation, the continuing process of pumping money out of their national economies are inadmissible.

Emphasis was placed on the importance of organizing concrete and efficient negotiations at the United Nations, with the participation of all states, in view of a global and equitable settlement of the most important international economic issues.

The Warsaw Pact member countries again advocated a world forum that could discuss comprehensively the issues of economic security, of establishing the new international economic order, developing the commercial, technological and scientific collaboration, removing everything that tells on the world economic relations.

The countries represented at the meeting resolutely declare for the employment of the means, material and scientific resources released as a result of the reduction of military expenditures, for peaceful purposes, including the speeding up of the developing countries' socio-economic progress and attach great importance to the organization of the international conference on disarmament and development.

The ministers declared for increasing the role of the United Nations in maintaining international peace and security, in solving-in the interests of all states and people—the urgent problems facing mankind.

4. It was emphasized at the meeting that under the current international circumstances greatly important are the consolidation of the unity and cohesion of the Warsaw Treaty participant states, their defense alliance, the development of collaboration in all domains. The determination was expressed to ever more actively collaborate in international questions, for the elimination of the danger of a nuclear war, the achievement of disarmament and the consolidation of general peace. The constant position was reiterated, regarding the simultaneous dismantlement of the Warsaw Treaty and NATO and the liquidation of their military organizations to begin with.

The states represented at the meeting declare for the development and deepening of the relations with the other socialist countries, for collaboration and cooperation with them in the interests of the struggle for peace and socialism, against imperialism.

The Warsaw Treaty participant states call on all countries and peoples, peaceloving forces to rally their efforts, by acting in the spirit of the generous goals of the international year of peace, and do everything possible for the achievement of concrete measures of nuclear disarmament, the cessation of all nuclear tests, the reduction of armed forces, conventional weapons, and military expenditures. In the nuclear-space era this is the only way of building lasting security in Europe and the world over. The meeting of the Committee of Foreign Affairs Ministers proceeded in an atmosphere of friendship and comradely collaboration. The next meeting will take place in Moscow.

200. Remarks by President Reagan: The Meeting at Reykjavik and the Strategic Defense Initiative [Extract], October 17, 19861

I just recently returned from my meeting with Mr. Gorbachev in Iceland. That meeting was a breakthrough in our discussions with the Soviets. We're no longer talking about arms control; we're talking about arms reductions, possibly, even the complete elimination of ballistic missiles from the face of the Earth.

That's an historic turnaround for the Soviets, and it wouldn't have been possible without the firm support of the American people, whose hard work and support have enabled us to rebuild our military might. The American people know that the only way to negotiate for peace is from a position of strength. We're closer to real arms reductions than ever before, and it's because America today is once again strong and united.

But one major obstacle remained in Iceland: Unfortunately, Mr. Gorbachev decided to make all of our progress hostage to his demand that we kill our Strategic Defense Initiative. Now, I had to remind him of my pledge to the American people on SDI: that in America when you give your word, you give your word—and that stands up no matter what the time or place. SDI is our insurance policy to protect us from accidents or some madmen that might come along or some other country that develops ballistic missiles or in case the Soviets don't keep their side of the bargain.

You know, before World War II, the British were developing a new defense system; it was called radar. And without radar, it's possible that the Royal Air Force wouldn't have been able to beat back the Nazi air assault on England. If you'll recall-you won't recall, you weren't here at the time, but those of us who do-but you've perhaps read that when Winston Churchill acknowledged what that little band of fighter pilots had done from England, and to save England, and with the help of that radar, when he said, “Never in the course of human events have so many owed so much to so few." Well, I couldn't help but think that giving up SDI would have been like Chamberlain giving up radar, as well as Czechoslovakia, at Munich-a tragic blunder that might have spelled the end to freedom in Europe.

SDI is a purely defensive and purely peaceful technology. If the Soviets honestly want progress toward a world free of nuclear weapons, they have nothing to fear from SDI. The Soviets are hard bargainers. America must be even more patient and determined and united. And America must speak with one voice, saying loud and clear: We'll walk the extra mile for peace, but we'll never gamble with America's safety.

Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents, October 27, 1986, pp. 1408–1409. The President made these remarks at a rally for Senator Andrews. He made similar remarks during campaign appearances for other Republican candidates.

And I hope you all realize that when he was saying no to this SDI, this was after I had told him we would sign a binding treaty right now, that if and when we had developed that system and it was practical, we would share it with them so that neither one of us ever had to be afraid of the other country. And still, they said no. So, I want to ask you a question: Can I count on your support to keep America strong and united and on the road to peace?

201.

Newspaper Article by Secretary of State Shultz: The Meeting in Reykjavik [Extract], October 18, 19861

And of course we discussed arms control. This was no ordinary dialogue. Both the President and General Secretary demonstrated themselves to be men of vision, capable of taking bold and creative decisions on the spot. Those decisions brought us very close to concluding understandings on dramatic reductions of strategic offensive weapons, on the virtual elimination of longer range intermediate nuclear force missiles and on a nuclear testing regime that would protect our vital interests.

The two leaders discussed strategic defense at great length. The President did his utmost to demonstrate that the Soviets have nothing to fear from the Strategic Defense Initiative. He even proposed to postpone deployment of a strategic defense system for 10 years in conjunction with 50 percent reductions of strategic forces over the first five years, and the elimination of all American and Soviet ballistic missiles over the second five years. He assured them that, during that period, we would continue to abide by the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty.?

It was unfortunate that this was not enough for the Soviets, who insisted that we had to amend the ABM treaty by agreeing to a ban on any testing of S.D.I.related activities outside the laboratory. This went well beyond what we--and the Soviets had agreed to when the treaty was signed in 1972. It was clear that the effect would have been to kill S.D.I. This the President could not accept. He would not abandon a program that has acted as an incentive for arms reductions and that would be critical in insuring compliance with reductions we might ultimately agree to. That was a decision that took vision and courage.

In walking away from a quick deal in Reykjavik, have we reached the end of the road? Hardly. We have said we are prepared to build on the work done there and during the months preceding the meeting. Our negotiators are on their way

1 The New York Times, October 18, 1986. Copyright © 1986 by The New York Times Company. Reprinted by permission.

2 The text of the Treaty appears in Documents on Disarmament, 1972, pp. 197–201.