admitted, has some limited significance in providing some degree of predictability, that we won't go into a complete arms race now? What's to replace SALT at this point? And why make this decision now?

The President. Didn't make it now. I said we've got several months here in which we're going to try to involve them in the things they, themselves, have been talking about—and that is a definite arms reduction program. This is the only thing that makes sense in the world, and I've been talking about this since 1980. And I said I was sick and tired of agreements that just said, "Well, we'll only go at this pace in our increasing the number of weapons." Let's get around to getting rid of them as much as we can.

103. Communique of the Warsaw Pact Political Consultative Committee [Extract], June 11, 19861

I.

The participants in the meeting expressed serious concern at the tense world situation which has emerged as a consequence of the intensifying arms race, particularly the nuclear arms race in connection with the steps of the United States and NATO. The United States and NATO are unwilling to embark on the road of curbing the arms race, preventing its extension to outer space and putting an end to nuclear tests. They evade to respond to initiatives of such great importance as the programme proposed by the Soviet Union for the complete elimination of weapons of mass destruction by the end of the twentieth century. The deployment of American medium-range missiles in Europe continues and the manifestations of the imperialist policy of force and flagrant interference in the internal affairs of other States are on the increase. The hopes of peoples for effective steps towards disarmament and the revival of détente, hopes raised by the Soviet-American summit meeting in Geneva and its accords of principle are still to come true.

The world has arrived at a stage of its development where reluctance to address the fundamental questions of our age is tantamount to jeopardizing the fate of the whole of civilization. Under the present circumstances no State or group of States can build its own security and well-being upon imposing its will on other countries and peoples by military force. Such policy, whether called “neoglobalism" or justified by the struggle against terrorism, or by any other pretext, offers no perspective. Such policy is fatal for mankind.

The fundamental task of our age is to safeguard peace, to halt the arms race and to proceed to concrete disarmament measures, especially in the nuclear field. The

'CD/700 and Corr.1. The communique was issued in Budapest.

possibility to solve this task is there, to break the growing tendency of the threat of war and to guide international relations back to the course of détente. It is possible and necessary for mankind to block the way to a nuclear catastrophe. The participants in the meeting are firmly convinced that the security and peaceful conditions for development and progress of all countries and peoples can be reliably guaranteed only by political means through the joint efforts of all States. This position corresponds to the realities of the nuclear age and attests to the great sense of responsibility felt by the participants for the fate of their peoples and all mankind.

In the present situation there is no reasonable alternative to peaceful coexistence among States. Today it is necessary to observe, more strictly than ever, the principles of respect for national independence and sovereignty, the renunciation of the use of force and the threat of force, the inviolability of frontiers and territorial integrity, peaceful settlement of disputes, non-interference in internal affairs, equality, and other generally recognized norms of international relations.

II.

Reaffirming the timeliness of the goals and tasks defined in the Declaration of the meeting of the Political Consultative Committee held in Sofia on 25 [23] October 1985,2 the Warsaw Treaty member States consider it their duty to strive steadfastly and consistently for averting the nuclear threat, bringing about a favourable turn in the European and world situation, and developing fruitful cooperation among States. The allied socialist countries seek to create a comprehensive system of international security which would embrace the military, political, economic and humanitarian fields alike. The foreign policy course of the fraternal countries, as embodied in the congress resolutions of their leading parties, is directed towards the creation of a world secure for all and free of weapons and war.

The participants in the meeting firmly advocate the continuation and deepening of the political dialogue among States with different social systems, ensuring as fully as possible its concrete and successful character. This also applies to contacts between the Soviet Union and the United States started at the highest level in Geneva as well as to the continuation of both multilateral and bilateral talks among European countries.

III.

The States represented at the meeting are ready to establish the widest range of co-operation with other countries to end the arms race on Earth and to prevent its extension to outer space and to promote disarmament, and they appeal for joining efforts first of all in the following fields:

The cessation of nuclear tests. This would be a highly significant and easily achievable measure towards disarmament which would prevent the improvement of nuclear weapons and the creation of new types of such weapons. The road to achieving their goal leads through the mutual moratorium of the Soviet Union

2 Documents on Disarmament, 1985, pp. 757-764

and the United States on nuclear explosions and the immediate start of negotiations on a complete ban on nuclear tests under the strictest supervision. The participants in the meeting welcome the renewed extension by the Soviet Union of its unilateral moratorium and call on the United States to follow suit. At the same time the participants call on other nuclear-weapon States to cease nuclear testing and to take steps toward the early conclusion of an agreement on a general ban on such tests.

The mutual and complete elimination of Soviet and American medium-range missiles deployed in the European region, on the understanding that Great Britain and France would not increase their nuclear arsenals in question and that the United States would not transfer its strategic and medium-range missiles to other countries. Should the American medium-range missiles deployed in Europe be fully dismantled, the Soviet enhanced-range tactical missiles would also be removed from the territories of the German Democratic Republic and the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic.

Specific agreements at the Soviet-American talks on nuclear and space weapons which would take into account the interests of both sides as well as those of all other States. The member States of the Warsaw Treaty reconfirm their commitment to the treaties and agreements signed in the field of arms control and disarmament and they consistently call on the United States to strictly adhere to the SALT agreements.3 Dangers are held out by "Star Wars", the programme of space strike weapons, by the accession of other States to it, and by the elaboration of plans such as the "European Defense Initiative" in several West-European countries. Outer space must be used for peaceful purposes, for the benefit of all mankind.

The destruction of types of mass-destruction weapons like chemical weapons and the liquidation of the industrial base for their production by the end of this century. Efforts should be persistently intensified to ensure the successful completion of negotiations at the Geneva Conference on the conclusion of a corresponding agreement. States should refrain from any action likely to impede the complete prohibition and destruction of chemical weapons. The participants in the meeting take a firm stand against the further increase of arsenals of this type of mass-destruction weapons and their deployment in the territories of other countries and call on the NATO countries to refrain from the realization of plans for the production and deployment in Europe of binary weapons, a particularly dangerous type of chemical weapons.

Significant reduction of armed forces and conventional weapons at the global and regional level. The member States of the Warsaw Treaty recommend to start these kinds of reductions in Europe where the concentration of troops and armaments has reached a particularly dangerous scale. In this connection the meeting approved an Appeal to the NATO member States and to all European countries.

Implementation of effective supervision in all areas and stages of the reduction of armaments and disarmament by both national technical means and interna

3 For the SALT agreements, see ibid., 1972, pp. 197–205 and ibid., 1979, pp. 189 ff.

tional procedures, including on-site inspection. The States represented at the meeting are ready to agree on any supplementary measure of supervision.

The member States reaffirm their position that further efforts should be made on an international scale to eliminate foreign military bases and to withdraw foreign troops stationed in other countries.

Practical measures aimed at arms reduction and disarmament may release enormous material, financial and human resources for peaceful and creative purposes, including the elimination of economic backwardness in several parts of the world. The participants in the meeting attach great importance to the convening, in accordance with the relevant resolution of the United Nations, of an international conference on questions of disarmament and development.

The alarming international situation urgently demands that the existing fora of bilateral and multilateral arms control and disarmament negotiations should function effectively and not be used as a screen to justify the arms race.

IV.

The Warsaw Treaty member States regard the strengthening of European security and co-operation a central task of their foreign policies. They take a stand for lowering the level of military confrontation in Europe, for reducing military capabilities on the continent, and for steady progress in making the territory of Europe completely free of nuclear and chemical weapons. The establishment of zones free from these weapons of mass destruction in the Balkans and in the central, Nordic and other regions of the continent would facilitate strengthened stability and confidence. The proposals recently put forward by the German Democratic Republic and the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic+ as well as the People's Republic of Bulgaria and the Socialist Republic of Romania and supported by the participants in the meeting are aimed at these goals.

The cause of détente in Europe would be served by the conclusion of mutually acceptable agreements at the Vienna talks on the reduction of armed forces and armaments in Europe.

The successful outcome of the first stage of the Stockholm Conference would contribute to the consolidation of security and confidence in Europe and would create more favourable conditions for moving on to elaborating disarmament questions on an all-European scale.

As long as the opposing military groupings in Europe exist, the proposal of the Warsaw Treaty member States remains valid to conclude a treaty with the NATO countries on the mutual renunciation of the use of armed force and on the maintenance of peaceful relations that would also be open to other countries. With a view to alleviating the current tense situation, the participants in the meeting are for the continuation and development of the dialogue between the Warsaw Treaty and NATO countries, including the establishment of direct contacts between the two organizations for the purpose of reaching appropriate agreements.

* Ibid., 1985, pp. 601-602, 821-822.

In the prevailing international situation the States represented at the meeting consider it important for steps to be taken to improve the situation in the Mediterranean region and to make this region become a zone of lasting peace, security, good neighbourliness and co-operation. The simultaneous withdrawal of the naval forces of the Soviet Union and the United States from the Mediterranean could play an important role in this respect.

The socialist countries attach great importance to the meeting of the States participating in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe to be held in Vienna next November and stand ready to contribute to a balanced development of the all-European process in all fields covered by the Helsinki Final Act." The establishment of official contacts between the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance or individual CMEA-countries and the European Economic Community would open new possibilities for mutually advantageous co-operation.

Calls for a revision of borders between European States and for a change in their socio-political systems are incongruous with the strengthening of trust, mutual understanding and good-neighbourly relations in Europe. The postWorld War Two borders on the continent are inviolable. Respect for the presentday territorial and political realities is an indispensable condition for lasting peace in Europe and for normal relations between States of the continent. The activity of revanchist forces, first of all those in the Federal Republic of Germany, and the encouragement of revanchism wherever it may be, run counter to the interests of peace, security and co-operation in Europe, to the spirit and letter of the Helsinki Final Act.

Europe needs the revival of détente, and its advancement towards a more stable phase. This is the only way of guaranteeing stable security for all peoples of Europe, ending the division of the continent, and bringing about a Europe of peace, friendly co-operation, and good-neighbourliness. This is a realistic goal and it can be achieved through active joint efforts.

104. Appeal by the Members of the Warsaw Pact to the Members of NATO for a Program of the Reduction of Armed Forces and Conventional Armaments in Europe, June 11, 19861

The Warsaw Treaty member States, being aware of their responsibility to their respective peoples and to mankind for the peace of Europe and the world at large and seeking a radical change for the better in the current complicated interna

"The arms control portions of the Final Act may be found ibid., 1975, pp. 304–308. For the complete text, see Department of State Bulletin, vol. LXXIII, no. 1888, September 1, 1975, pp. 323–350.

CD/700 and Corr.1. The appeal was issued in Budapest.