[traitorous and treasonable libel into the country," as the mittimus expressed it. Winslow offered 2000. bail, but it could not be accepted. A proclamation was issued, charging all officers and people to be in readiness to hinder the landing of any forces which the Prince of Orange might send into those parts of the world. The old magistrates and heads of the people silently wished, and secretly prayed, for success to the glorious undertaking, and determined quietly to wait the event. The body of the people were more impatient: the flame which had been long smothered in their breasts burst forth with violence, and on Thursday the 18th of April, the governor and such of the council as had been most active, and other obnoxious persons, about fifty in the whole, were seized and confined, and the old magistrates were reinstated. This was certainly a rash, precipitate proceeding little or no inconvenience could have arisen from a few days delay. The revolution in England could not, at any time, have been effected without risk to all persons there who moved in it; their lives depended on the success of the attempt; but the fate of New England depended upon that of Old. If the prince succeeded, they might have assumed the government without any hazard; if he failed, had they remained quiet, they would have been in no worse state than before; but the consequence of an insurrection would have been death to the principal actors, and a still harder slavery than before to all the rest of the inhabitants.

However exceptionable the first rising of the people might be, it is certain, as we before observed, they did not want for advocates and protectors in the newly raised magistracy; though, to give due credit to this body, we confess it is difficult to conceive in what other way the people could have been quieted, otherwise than through the influence they exerted upon the occasion. Had the people been left to themselves, the consequences must have been terrible. Some, however, who had been the most firm in support of the charter, began to be afraid of being called to account for the concern they had taken in the business.

A long declaration was read from the balcony or gallery of the town-house. This is printed at large in Neale and other writers. There would be room to doubt whether this declaration was not a work of time, and prepared beforehand, if it did not appear, by the style and language, to have been the performance of one of the ministers of the town of Boston, who had a remarkable talent for very quick and sudden composures; besides, it was not printed until several days after, and per

VOL. II.

haps was corrected and enlarged. Indeed it fully appears from many private letters, still preserved, one of the best sorts of evidence of the truth of historical facts of this nature, that none of the magistrates were privy to the first rising of the people, and in the people themselves it seems to have been sudden, and without any previously concerted plan.

The next day, April 19th, an order was signed by many respectable persons, and also by William Johnson of Woburn, and James Russell of Charlestown, directed to John Pipon, commander of the castle, and accompanied with an order from the late governor, to deliver the fort and stores to Captain Fairweather, which was complied with. The 20th, the tumult being abated, the new council began to consider what form of government they should establish, in the room of that which was dissolved. They first invited divers other persons to join with them, who were required to sign an approbation of the advice given to Sir Edmund, and being thus strengthened, they took the title of "A council for the safety of the people, and conservation of the peace."

This council continued to pass orders from time to time, for the regulation of the inhabitants; but the authority was weak, and there was a necessity of a further settlement: they were careful to avoid reassuming their charter. Besides the exceptions that might be taken whilst the decree against it stood in full force, there were many who were desirous of a settlement from England, sensible of the defects in the charter; and when the governor and assembly afterwards addressed for the restitution of it, they desired such further privileges as were necessary. They had, no doubt, received advice of the convention called by the Prince of Orange, and in imitation of it, on the second of May, they recommended to the several towns in the colony to meet and depute persons, not exceeding two for each town, except Boston four, to form an assembly to sit the ninth of the same month. Sixty-six persons met, and presented a declaration to the president and former magistrates in particular, taking no notice of such as had associated with them; but upon receiving an answer in writing, they desired the whole council to continue in their station until the 22d instant, at which time it was agreed there should be a meeting of the representatives of all the towns in the colony at Boston, who were to be specially instructed by their towns. Letters had been sent to Plymouth and to Connecticut, to acquaint the principal gentlemen there with what had been done at Boston. Both those colonies were content the governor should be con-]

3 z

[for his country. Besides several of the nobility and principal commoners, he had engaged the whole body of the dissenting ministers, whose weight, at that time, was far from inconsiderable.

The family of Ashurst had always been friendly to New England. The first addresses after the restoration were sent to Mr. Ashurst, Mr. Leveret, and Mr. Richard Hutchinson, to be delivered to the king. Sir Henry Ashurst, a member of parliament, was more particularly engaged at this time by Mr. Mather, who desired that he might be empowered by the colony to appear as their agent. Mr. Hambden, another member, also shewed great friendship. The house of commons voted the taking away the charters of the plantations to be a grievance, and a bill passed the house for restoring charters, and the New England charters were expressly mentioned; but whilst the bill lay in the house of lords, the parliament, sooner than expected, was prorogued, the king going to Ireland. The king, from the beginning, discovered a design to reserve the appointment of the governor to himself. It was in vain, after losing this chance in parliament, to try for the restoration of the old charter. A new charter, with as many of the old privileges as could be obtained, was all that could be hoped for. In the mean time, application was made for express power and authority to be granted to the colony to exercise government according to the old charter, until a new could be settled. This was obtained. Letters arrived in England, shortly after the king's order to the old magistrates, from Sir Edmund Andros, Mr. Dudley, &c. complaining of their usage. Nicholson and Usher came to London also with their complaints, and the Indians falling upon Piscataqua about the same time, it was imputed to the revolution in the Massachusetts, and the friends of New England were afraid the powers would be recalled, and a governor sent over without delay.

The letters did not arrive in New England until very late in the year, but came very opportunely 'to calm the commotions, which had very much increased there. Sir Edmund, his servant having enticed the centinel to drink, and then to suffer him to be upon guard in his stead, escaped from the castle, and went to Rhode island, where Major Sanford stopped him, and sent him back to the castle again. The first opportunity after the arrival of the king's order, he with Mr. Dudley and several others embarked for England. The general court thought it advisable to send over two of their members to join with Sir Henry Ashhurst and Mr. Mather in maintaining their charges against their oppressors, as well as in soliciting

the restoration of the charter, with such additional privileges as should be thought proper, viz. Elisha Cooke and Thomas Oakes, both of them assistants. Mr. Cooke was a gentleman of good understanding, and had been well educated, had always adhered stiffly to the old charter, and when all the rest of the assistants declined reassuming it, he alone was in favour it. Mr. Oakes was a man of no less consequence, but attached to the same side, having been some time a representative of the town of Boston, and not of the assistants when they refused to reassume. They were instructed, among other things, to solicit in parliament or elsewhere the confirmation of their ancient charter, and all its rights and privileges, civil and sacred, and if there should be opportunity, to endeavour the obtaining such farther privileges as might be of benefit to the colony. The agents disagreed, and by this means certain articles intended against Sir. Edmund were never signed by them. He obtained some time after the government of Virginia, where he died. Mr. Dudley was appointed chief justice of New York, and the latter end of the year 1690, was at Boston in his way to his post. Nicholson endeavoured for the government of New York, but had not interest to carry it, and was appointed lieutenant-governor of Virginia, under Lord Howard of Ettingham.

The war with the Indians, which began before the revolution of government, continued all the year after. Madockawando, sachem of the Penobscots, who came into Pemaquid, was sent to Boston, where he arrived just about the time the governor was confined. The authority treated him kindly and sent him home, and at the same time wrote to St. Castine, and desired him to use his influence over the Indians, and offered him safe conduct if he inclined to come to Boston. Madockawando had promised his interest for redemption of the captives which had been taken, and for putting an end to the war; but both he and Castine deceived the government. Madockawando proved a most virulent enemy.

The Indians of Penicook, upon Merrimack river, in the spring of the year 1689, professing great friendship to Major Waldron of Quochecho, were civilly treated by him, and one of their chiefs was lodged in his garrison. The Indian, in the night, opened the gate to a great number of Saco and Penicook Indians, who lay hovering round it. They killed the major and 22 others, and carried away 29 captives, and plundered and burnt the neighbouring houses. The authority at Boston were equally anxious for the protection and defence of the people, as if they had been]

[within the colony, and sent out forces for their relief. Intelligence arrived soon after, of mischief done in several parts of the county of York, or province of Maine, and on the 22d of August, the fort at Pemaquid, the command of which (being garrisoned by 14 men only) was given to one Weemes, an officer Sir Edmund had left there, was besieged by the Indians. It was so situated as to be overlooked from a rock near to it. From thence the Indians galled the garrison to such degree, that the next day they capitulated upon terms, which were kept with Indian faith, some of the men being butchered and the others carried captive. There were no hopes of security by sea or land, the French from Quebec instigating the Indians, and joining parties with them, and the French from Acadia, by their small privateers, infesting the coasts, and taking many vessels. In the winter, therefore, the general court were meditating an attempt both upon Port Royal and Quebec. Sir William Phips came to, New England in the summer of 1689. He was thought the fittest person for the command of the forces. Eight small vessels, with 700 or 800 men, was thought a sufficient force for Port Royal.

(Anno 1690.) The fleet sailed the 28th of April, and returned the 30th of May. The fort at Port Royal being in no capacity to stand a siege, surrendered with little or no resistance. Sir William took possession (as appears by his journal) of the whole sea-coast from Port Royal to Penobscot and the New England settlements. The plunder was thought equal to the whole expence. But this was conjecture. The acquisition was so easy that the court were confirmed in the prosecution of their design upon Canada. Besides, the ravages begun upon the frontiers by French and Indians, as soon as the spring opened, made it appear more necessary than ever. Casco fort, with above 100 persons, was besieged and taken, whilst the forces were gone to Port Royal. There was a still further inducement, they hoped to recommend themselves to the king's favour, and to obtain the establishment of their government. A small vessel had been sent to England express, the beginning of April, with a representation of the exposed state of the colony, and the necessity of the reduction of Canada, and praying for a supply of arms and ammunition, and a number of the king's frigates to attack the French by sea, whilst the colony forces should march by land and perform their parts. Now their hands were too full in England to give any attention to this proposal; but the Massachusetts determined to proceed, and Connecticut and New York engaged to furnish a

body of men. Two thousand were expected to march by lake Champlain and attack Montreal, at the same time that the forces by sea should be before Quebec. It was late in the season to undertake this great affair, but they tarried longer than otherwise they would have done, in expectation of the stores they had sent for to England. None arriving, the 9th of August the fleet sailed from Nantasket. There were between 30 and 40 vessels, great and small, the largest of 44 guns and 200 men, perhaps not of superior strength to a sixth-rate man of war, the whole number of men about 2000. They did not arrive before Quebec until the 5th of October. Great dependence was had upon a division of the French force, but it happened most unfortunately, that the forces designed against Montreal had retreated, and the news of it had reached Montreal before the fleet arrived at Quebec, so that Count Frontenac, the French general, was able to employ the whole strength of Canada against this little army. This must have struck a damp upon the spirits of the English forces, and they could have but little hopes of succeeding. Le Hontan, a French writer, says, "the general was at Montreal when he heard the news of the fleet's being in the river, and that, if the English had made their descent before his arrival at Quebec, or two days after, they would have carried the place without striking a blow, there not being 200 French in the city, which lay open and exposed on all hands, but that they lost three days in consulting before they came to a resolution." Success is wisdom with mankind in general: from the ill success of this undertaking, both English and French writers have treated it with ridicule and peculiar contempt. The next morning after the fleet arrived, Sir William sent a summons ashore. If it was too pompous, the answer was too insolent. The English were called heretics and traitors, and told that if it had not been for the revolution, New England and Canada would have been all one. The French say the major who carried the summons was threatened with a gibbet, and had like to have swooned. No notice is taken of this in the English journals; and it is not likely to be true. An attempt was made to land the next day, (the 7th), but the violence of the wind prevented. The 8th they landed all the effective men, amounting to between 1200 and 1300. They were fired upon from the woods by French and Indians, and marched in disorder, and did not attempt to cross Charles river, which lay between them and the town. Night overtook them, Upon examining a

deserter, he gave them such an account of the strength of the French, as discouraged them from]

[advancing any farther. The ships were drawn up the next evening before the town: they did little damage to the enemy, but were much shattered by the cannon from their batteries. The forces continued ashore until the 11th, rather upon the defensive, when they embarked with precipitation. A council of war was called the next day, and proposals were made for another attempt, after a few days refreshment for the men; but tempestuous weather came on, which drove some of the vessels from their anchors and scattered the whole fleet, and they made the best of their way back to Boston, where Sir William arrived the 19th of November. Some of the fleet were blown off to the West Indies, one was lost upon Anticosta, and two or three were wrecked or never heard of. It appears by manuscript letters, that about 200 men were lost by the enemy and sickness. The small-pox, which prevailed in Boston before they sailed, had got into the army: many died of the camp disease after their return, and spread the infection among the inhabitants of Boston. This was a humbling stroke to New England. The return of the New York and Connecticut forces was the most visible cause of the disappointment. Walley, who had the command of the land forces, gave in a journal of his proceedings to the general court. His conduct was censured by particular persons, but there was no public inquiry."

The government was utterly unprepared for the return of the forces. They seem to have presumed not only upon success, but upon the enemy's treasure to bear the charge of the expedition. The soldiers were upon the point of mutiny for want of their wages. It was utterly impracticable to raise, in a few days, such a sum of money as would be ne cessary. An act was passed for levying the sum, but the men could not stay until it should be brought into the treasury. The extreme difficulty to which the government was thus reduced, was the occasion of the first bills of credit ever issued in the colonies, as a substitute in the place of money. The debt was paid by paper notes from two shillings to ten pounds denomination, which notes were to be received for payment of the tax which was to be levied, and all other payments in the treasury. This was a new experiment. They had better credit than King James's leather money in Ireland, about the same time; but the notes would not command money, nor any commodities at money price. Sir William Phips, it is said, exchanged a large sum, at par, in order to give them credit. The soldiers in general were great sufferers, and could get no more than 12 or 14 shillings in the pound. As the time of payment

of the tax approached, the credit of the notes was raised, and the government allowing five per cent. to those who paid their taxes in notes, they be came better than money. This was gain to the possessor, but it did not restore to the poor soldier what he had lost by the discount. Sir William Phips, after a few weeks tarry in Boston, embark. ed for England, to solicit an expedition from thence against Canada, the government at the same time sending their humble address to their Majesties, shewing the necessity of it.

Whilst the forces were gone to Canada, and the event uncertain, the Indians pretended to be disposed to peace. Major Pike and Major Hutchinson, two of the assistants, were appointed to treat with them at Wells, but nothing was done. On the 29th of November, six of the chiefs, viz. Edgeremet, Toqualmot, Watombamet, Naictumbuit, Walombee, and John Hawkins, brought in 10 captives; and in behalf of the Penicook, Winnapissiaukee, Ossapy, Pigwacket, Amascoggin, Pejepscot, Kennebeck Indians, and all adjacent places, within the territories of those sagamores, agreed upon a truce until the 1st of May ensuing, upon which day they were to meet at the house of Lieutenant Storer, in Wells, and to bring in all the English captives, and to settle articles for a firm and lasting peace. This agreement was made at Sagadahoc, with Captain John Alden, appointed by the governor and council for that purpose. In consequence of this truce the land enjoyed rest for the winter.

(Anno 1691.)—At the day appointed, Mr. Danforth, the deputy governor, and several others, with a proper guard, repaired to Wells, but no Indians appeared. Captain Converse went out, and meeting with some of them, they came in, bringing two captives with them, and promised in 20 days to bring in all the rest. The deputy governor returned disappointed, and a fresh supply of 35 men were sent to Storer's house, where they were scarcely arrived when, on June 9th, an attack was made upon the garrison by 200 Indians, with Moxus, a noted sachem, at their head; but the fortunate arrival of these recruits prevented the enemy from succeeding. Divers were killed at Berwick, Exeter, and cape Nidduck. A small army was sent into the e. country by sea, which landed at Maquot, and marched to Pejepscot, but met with none of the enemy. As the English were re-embarking, they were attacked by a great body of Indians. Their vessels were aground. English and Indians kept firing all night. The Indians were, by this army, diverted from going over to the isles of Shoals,]