[their overseer. A grant was made by one of the Gorges, it is not said which, to Ŏldham and others of part of Massachusetts bay, which occasioned some dispute between them and the Massachusetts grantees.

In 1625, one Captain Wollaston, with about 30 persons, began a plantation near Weston's. They gave it the name of Mount Wollaston. It was known by that name some years after, but at length the name was lost in that of Braintree, of which town it is a part. No mention is made of a patent to Wollaston. One Morton, of Furnival's inn, was of this company. He was not left in command, but contrived to make himself chief, changed the name of Mount Wollaston to Merry Mount, set all the servants free, erected a Maypole, and lived a life of dissipation, until all the stock, intended for trade, was consumed. He was charged with furnishing the Indians with guns and ammunition, and teaching them the use of them. At length he made himself so obnoxious to the planters in all parts, that at their general desire, the people of New Plymouth seized him by an armed force, and confined him until they had an opportunity of sending him to England. In the fall of 1626, Roger Conant and some, if not all, of his company removed from cape Ann to a neck of land upon Naumkeak river. We find mention made of planters at Winsimet about the same time, who probably removed there from some of the other plantations. This is all the account we have of any settlements, or attempts for settlements, in the Massachusetts bay, until the year 1627. Mr. White, the minister of Dorchester, had encouraged Conant and his company to remain in New England, and promised thein men, provisions, &c.

In 1627, March 19, the council of Plymouth sold to Sir Henry Roswell, Sir John Young, Thomas Southcoat, John Humphry, John Endicot, and Simon Whetcomb, who lived about Dorchester in England, their heirs and associates, all that part of New England, three miles to the s. of Charles river, and three miles to the n. of Merrimack river, from the Atlantic to the S. sea. All the lesser grants which have been mentioned within those limits (the settlement of the country being entirely neglected by the grantees) were, without doubt, looked upon to be forfeited or void. The conditions or tenor of none of them appear at this day. It is very likely the three persons first named in this grant, had nothing more in view by the purchase than a settlement for trade with the natives, or for fishery, or other advantageous purposes. As soon as the colony for religion was

VOL. II.

projected, we hear no more of them. The other three remained. Mr. White managed a treaty between Sir Richard Saltonstall, Matthew Cradock, and John Venn, Esquires, and divers others in and about London, and the original patentees. A purchase was made, and the same summer Mr. Endicot, (whose instructions were dated London, May 30, 1628), one of the original patentees, was sent over to Naumkeak with planters and servants, and all the affairs of the colony committed to his care. The patent from the council of Plymouth gave a good right to the soil, but no powers of government. A royal charter was necessary. This passed the seals March 4, 1628. Matthew Cradock was appointed the first governor, and Thomas Goffe deputy governor. Two days before, March 2d, some affairs of the colony requiring it, there had been a meeting of the company, at which both governor and deputy are named as such. The day for the annual election of officers by charter, being the last Wednesday in Easter term; on the 13th of May 1628, Mr. Cradock was chosen governor by the company, and Mr. Goffe deputy governor, and Sir Richard Saltonstall, Isaac Johnson, Samuel Aldersey, John Venn, John Humfrey, Simon Whetcomb, Increase Nowell, Richard Perry, Nathaniel Wright, Samuel Vassal, Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Adams, Thomas Hutchins, George Foxcroft, William Vassal, William Pincheon, John Pocock, and Christopher Coulson, assistants. William Burgis was chosen secretary in the room of John Washburne. At this court it was determined, that every one of the company, who had subscribed 50%. should have 200 acres of land assigned, and in proportion for a greater or lesser sum as the first dividend. The names of all the adventurers and the sums subscribed were sent over to Mr. Endicot, who was appointed their governor in the plantation. A second embarkation of planters and servants had been determined at a meeting, April 30, to be made with all speed. Four ministers were provided: three of them, Francis Higginson, Samuel Skelton, and Francis Bright, were readily accepted by the company, and had all due encouragement promised them; the fourth, Ralph Smith, was required to give under his hand, that he would not exercise his ministry within the limits of the patent, without the express leave of the governor upon the spot. Five ships were provided for this embarkation. Mr. Higginson says in his journal, that he sailed from the isle of Wight the 11th of May, and arrived at cape Ann the 27th of June, and at Naumkeag the 29th. They found at Naumkeag] 3 s

[about 100 planters, eight houses, besides a fair house built for Mr. Endicot. The old and new planters together were about 300, of which 100 removed to Charlestown, where there was a house built; the rest remained at Salem. Mr. Endicot had corresponded with the settlers at Plymouth, who satisfied him that they were right in their judgments of the outward form of worship, being much like to that of the reformed churches in France, &c. On the 20th of July, Mr. Higginson and Mr. Skelton, after fasting and prayer, were first elected by the company for their ministers, the first, teacher, the other, pastor; each of them, together with three or four grave members, laying their hands on the other, with solemn prayer. Nothing is said of any church being then formed; but on the 6th of August, the day appointed for the choice and ordination of elders and deacons, 30 persons entered into a covenant in writ ing, which is said to be the beginning of the church, and that the ministers were ordained or instituted anew. The repetition of this form they probably thought necessary, because the people were not in a church state before. It is difficult to assign any other reason. Messengers or delegates, from the church of Plymouth, were expected to join with them, but contrary winds hindered them in their passage, so that they did not arrive until the afternoon, but time enough to give the right hand of fellowship. Two of the company, John Brown, and Samuel Brown, one a lawyer, the other a merchant, both men of good estates, and of the first patentees and of the council, were dissatisfied. They did not like that the common prayer and service of the church of England should be wholly laid aside, and therefore drew off, with as many as were of their sentiments, from the rest, and set up a separate society. This offended the governor, who caused the two members of his council to be brought before him; and judging that this practice, together with some speeches they had uttered, tended to sedition, he sent them back to England. The heads of the party being removed, the opposition ceased.

Whilst these things were doing in the colony, the company in England were projecting a much larger embarkation, and the transfer of the corporation itself from Old England to New. Several gentlemen of figure and estate, Isaac Johnson, John Winthrop, Thomas Dudley, and divers others, who were dissatisfied with the arbitrary proceedings both in church and state, pleased themselves with the prospect of liberty in both, to be enjoyed in America, and proposed to the company at London to remove with their families; but

upon this condition only, that the patent and charter should remove with them. This proposal was first communicated July the 28th, 1629. A committee was appointed to consider of it, and to advise with counsel learned in the law, and to make report. The adventurers had been at great expence, without any returns made to them, and had no rational prospect of any profit from the plantations in the way they were in. The principal objection seems to have arisen from a doubt whether such a transfer was legal. The report of the committee is not recorded. Mr. White, a counseller at law, was one of the company, and great stress was laid upon his opinion; and, on the 29th of August, it was determined, by the general consent of the company," that the government and patent should be settled in New England." It is evident from the charter, that the original design of it was to constitute a corporation in England, like to that of the East India and other great com panies, with powers to settle plantations within the limits of the territory, under such forms of government and magistracy as should be fit and necessary. The first step, in sending out Mr. Endicot, appointing him a council, giving him commission, instructions, &c. was agreeable to this construction of the charter.

In consequence of this new resolution, the members of the corporation, which remained in England, were to retain a share in the trading stock and the profits of it, for the term of seven years. The management of it was committed to five persons, who were going over, viz. J. Winthrop, Sir Richard Saltonstall, I. Johnson, T. Dudley, and J. Revel, and to five who were to remain, M. Cradock, N. Wright, T. Eaton, T. Goffe, and J. Young; and, at the expiration of the term, the stock, with the profits, was to be divided to each man, in proportion to his adventure. All other powers and privileges were to remain with the planters upon the spot. We have no account of any dividend ever made, nor indeed of any trade ever carried on for the company. There was another article," that one half the charge of fortifications and support of the ministers should be paid out of the joint stock," but no notice was taken of it in the colony.

The 20th of October, at a general court of governor, deputy, and assistants, and the generality, a new choice was made of governor, &c. consisting of such persons as had determined to go over with the patent. John Winthrop was elected governor, John Humfrey deputy-governor, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Isaac Johnson, Thomas Dudley, John Endicot, Increase Nowell, William Vas-]

[sall, William Pynchon, Samuel Sharp, Edward Rossiter, Thomas Sharp, John Revell, Mathew Cradock, Thomas Goffe, Samuel Aidersey, John Venn, Nathaniel Wright, Theophilus Eaton, and Thomas Adams, assistants. They did not all go over. From time to time, until the general embarkation, as any one declined, some other person was chosen in his stead. First, Roger Ludlow First, Roger Ludlow was chosen, instead of Samuel Sharp. Whilst they were at Southampton, (March 18, 1630), Sir Bryan Jansen, William Coddington, and Simon Bradstreet, were chosen in the room of Mr. Wright, Eaton, and Goffe, and yet Sir Bryan never came to New England. Even after they had embarked, at a court on board the Arabella, Mr. Dudley was chosen deputy-governor, in the room of Mr. Humfrey who staid behind. It is not matter of wonder It is not matter of wonder that they discovered so great want of resolution: It is strange that so many persevered. It shews It shews some little fortitude, in a man in health and vigour, who goes through the fatigues of a long voyage, and spends even a few months in a wilderness, among savages, and in a climate more severe than he had ever experienced. What must we think, then, of persons of rank and good circumstances in life, bidding a final adieu to all the conveniencies and delights of England, their native country, and exposing themselves, their wives and children, to inevitable hardships and sufferings, in a long voyage across the Atlantic, to land upon a most inhospitable shore, destitute of any kind of building to secure them from the inclemency of the weather, and of most sorts of food to which they had been always used at their former home? The sickness and mortality which prevailed the first winter, they did not foresee. It is an observation, since made, that most parts of America have proved unhealthy (except where the country is cleared) until persons have had a seasoning in it. Eleven ships, which sailed from different ports in England, arrived in New England before the end of July. Six more arrived before the end of the year; they brought above 1500 passengers. The Arabella, on board which was the governor and several of the assistants, left Yarmouth between the 7th and 10th of April. On the 7th the governor, and divers others on board, signed a paper directed to their brethren of the church of England, to remove suspicions or misconstructions, and to ask their prayers. This paper has occasioned a dispute, whether the first settlers of the Massachusetts were of the church of England or not. However problematical it may be, what they were while they remained in England, they left no room for doubt after they arrived in America.

The Arabella arrived at Salem the 12th of June. The common people immediately went ashore, and regaled themselves with strawberries, which are very fine in America, and were then in perfection. This might give them a favourable idea of the produce of the country, but the gentlemen met with enough to fill them with concern. The first news they had, was of a general conspiracy, a few months before, of all the Indians as far as Naraganset, to extirpate the English. Eighty persons, out of about 300, had died in the colony the winter before, and many of those that remained were in a weak sickly condition. There was not corn enough to have lasted above a fortnight, and all other provisions were very scant. They were obliged to give all the servants they had sent over, to the number of 180, their liberty, that they might shift for themselves, although they had cost from 167. to 201. a head. They had not above three or four months to look out proper places for settlements, and to provide shelter against the severity of the winter. With this prospect of difficulties, great enough for them to encounter, sickness began among them. Being destitute of necessary accommodations, they dropped away one after another; and, among others, the lady Arabella, who, to use Mr. Hubbard's words, "came from a paradise of plenty and pleasure, in the family of a noble earl, into a wilderness of wants, and who although celebrated for her many virtues, yet was not able to encounter the adversity with which she was surrounded, and, in about a month after her arrival, ended her days at Salem, where she first landed." Mr. Johnson, her husband, highly esteemed for his piety and wisdom, overcome with grief, survived her a short time only, and died at Boston the 30th September, to the great loss of the colony. Mr. Rossiter, another of the assistants, died soon after. Before December they had lost 200 of their number, including a few who died upon their passage.

The governor and some of the principal persons left Salem the 17th of June, and travelled through the woods to Charlestown, about 20 miles, to look out for a convenient place for their chief town, which they had determined should be in some part of the bay or harbour between Nantasket and Cambridge. At first, they pitched upon the n. side of Charles river, or rather n. w. by the major voice; but a number of the principal gentlemen having fixed their cottages (shelters intended for one winter only) upon the opposite side of the river, the governor and most of the assistants removed to them in November. They were, however, undetermined where to build in the spring.]

[A fortified town, at least palisadoed, was thought necessary to defend them against the natives, and they could not agree upon the most convenient place for that purpose.

They found, when they arrived, a few families scattered about in several parts of the bay. Mr. Maverick, who will often appear in the course of this history, lived upon Noddle's island, a grant or confirmation of which he afterwards obtained from the court. He had built a small fort, and had four cannon mounted there. At a point upon Shawmut or Trimontaine, since Boston, lived Mr. Blaxton, who had left England, being dissatisfied there, and not a thorough conformist; but he was more dissatisfied with the nonconformity of the newcomers. He told them, he came from England because he did not like the lords bishops, but he could not join with them because he did not like the lords brethren. He claimed the whole peninsula upon which Boston is built, because he was the first that slept upon it. He had a grant of a very handsome lot there at the w. part of the town, but he chose to quit all, and removed to the s. at or near what is since called Providence, where he lived to old age. There were also several families at Mattapan, since called Dorchester, or rather Dorchester Neck: here Mr. Ludlow and Mr. Rossiter pitched their abodes, with two ministers, Mr. Warham and Mr. Maverick. On the n. of Charles river (Charlestown) were the remains of those who had moved the last year from Salem; here Mr. Nowell and some of his friends made their pitch, but considered themselves and Boston, at first, as but one settlement and one church, with Mr. Wilson for their minister. When he went to England in the spring, Charlestown became a distinct church and town, and took Mr. James for their minister. Sir Richard Saltonstall chose a place some miles up Charles river, which has taken the name of Watertown; his company took Mr. Phillips for their minister. Mr. Pynchon was at the head of another company, who settled between Dorchester and Boston. Their town took the name of Roxbury. They had Mr. Elliot for their minister. Medford and Mistick were then distinct places, though not so at present. At Medford, which we take to have been a small village at the lower part of Mistick river, now called Neck-of-Land, where a creek also ran into Charles river, it was intended a settlement should be made for Mr. Cradock and the people he was sending and had sent over. Here, by his agents, he built several vessels of burden. At these several places, together with Salem, the whole company were settled for the first winter. They had little time enough to pro

vide their huts. As soon as December came, their out-door work was over. On the 6th of December, the governor and assistants met, and agreed to fortify the neck between Boston and Roxbury, and orders were given for preparing the materials; but at another meeting, on the 21st, they laid that design aside, and agreed on a place, (first called Newtown, since Cambridge), about three miles above Charlestown, and most of them engaged to build houses there the next year. The weather held tolerable until the 24th of December, but the cold then came on with violence. Such a Christmas eve they had never seen before. From that time to the 10th of February, their chief care was to keep themselves warm, and as comfortable in other respects as their scant provisions would permit. The poorer sort were much exposed, lying in tents and miserable hovels, and many died of the scurvy and other distempers. They were so short of provisions, that many were obliged to live upon clams, mussels, and other shell-fish, with ground-nuts and acorns instead of bread. One, coming to the governor's house to complain of his sufferings, was prevented, being informed that, even there, the last batch was in the oven. Some instances are mentioned of great calmness and resignation in this distress. A good man, who had asked his neighbour to a dish of clams, after dinner returned thanks to God who had given them to suck of the abundance of the seas, and of treasure hid in the sands. They had appointed the 22d of February for a fast, but on the 5th, to their great joy, the ship Lyon, Captain Pierce, one of the last year's fleet, returned laden with provisions from England, which were distributed according to the necessities of the people. They turned their fast into a thanksgiving.

In the spring of 1631, they pursued their design of a fortified town at Newtown. The governor set up the frame of a house; the deputy governor finished his house and removed his family. About this time, Chicketawbut, the chief of the Indians near Boston, came to visit the governor, and made high professions of friendship. The apprehensions of danger lessened by degrees, the design of a fortified town went off in the same proportion, until it was wholly laid aside. The governor took down his frame and carried it to Boston. Mr. Dudley the deputy was offended, and persisted for some time in his first determination of residing at Newtown, but at length removed to Roxbury.

This scheme of a fortified town was well enough while they were uncertain what the temper of the natives would be. Their design was to make improvements, and to extend their settlements in]

[the several parts of the country. Unless they were upon such terms with the Indians, that they could do this with safety, the colony could not long subsist. If they were upon such terms, fortified towns were unnecessary.

The high price of provisions this year in England impoverished the colony. Every bushel of wheat meal cost, including the freight, 14s. sterling; every bushel of peas 10s. ; and Indian corn, imported from Virginia, sold at 10s. Some were discouraged and returned to England, viz. Sir Richard Saltonstall, Thomas Sharpe, &c. and never came back; but others, in hopes of better times, went over to fetch their families and returned with them, viz. Mr. Wilson, Coddington, &c. They went in the Lyon, which brought their supply. In the same ship, Sir Christopher Gardiner was sent home under confinement. He was a knight of the sepulchre, but concealed his true character, and came over last year under pretence of separating himself from the world, and living a life of retirement and devotion. He offered to join to several of the churches, but he was suspected to be an immoral man, and not received. He had a comely young woman, who travelled with him. He called her his cousin. For some miscarriages in the Massachusetts, he fled to the Indians. They carried him to Plymouth, having first used him pretty roughly. From thence he was sent to Boston. He joined afterwards with Gorges, Mason, and others, in complaints against the colony.

Mr. Wilson left the church on the s. side of the river without a minister. At his parting he recommended them to the care of the governor, deputy governor, and other godly and able Christians, to carry on the worship of God, on the Lord's day, by prophesying until his return.

So much of their attention was necessary in order to provide for their support, that little business was done by the assistants or by the general court. The removal of the charter made many new regulations necessary, which were settled by degrees. The first court of assistants was at Charlestown, August 23d, about two months after their arrival. A beadle, a corporation officer, was appointed. It was then ordered, that the governor and deputy for the time being should be justices of the peace; four of the then assistants were also appointed justices. All justices whatsoever were to have the same power, for reformation of abuses and punishing offenders, which justices have in England, but no corporal punishment to be inflicted, except by an assistant. In high offences, the governor and assistants sat as a court, as well as in

civil matters. There was a trial by a jury this year for murder, and the person charged was acquitted. The first general court was held the 19th of October, not by a representative, but by every one that was free of the corporation, in person. None had been admitted freemen since they left England. The governor and assistants had a great influence over the court. It was ordered that for the future, the freemen should choose the assistants, and the assistants, from among themselves, choose the governor and deputy governor. The court of assistants were to have the power of making laws and appointing officers. This was a departure from their charter. One hundred and nine freemen were admitted at this court. Maverick, Blackstone, and many more who were not of any of the churches, were of this number. This was all that was transacted, that was any thing material, the first year. The next general court was the court of election for 1631. The scale was now turned, and the freemen resolved to choose both governor, deputy, and assistants, notwithstanding the former vote, and made an order, that, for the time to come, none should be admitted to the freedom of the body politic but such as were church members.

This was a most extraordinary order or law, and yet it continued in force until the dissolution of the government, it being repealed in appear ance only, after the restoration of King Charles II. Had they been deprived of their civil privileges in England by an act of parliament, unless they would join in communion with the churches there, it might very well have been the first in the roll of grievances. But such were the requisites to qualify for church membership here, that the grievance was abundantly greater.

The scarcity of the former year excited the inhabitants to make the greater improvements, by tillage, as soon as the spring advanced, and it pleased God to give them such favourable seasons, that they had a very plentiful harvest; and Indian corn, which could not be purchased with money the year before, at the end of this year was made a tender in discharge of all debts, except money or beaver had been specially agreed for. Cattle were extremely dear, a great part of what had been shipped from England being dead, and a milk cow was valued at 251. to 307. sterling.

The same governor and deputy governor, and such of the assistants of 1630 as were living and in the colony, were rc-elected for the year 1631. They continued to make the same choice for 1632, with the addition of Mr. John Humfrey, who had been deputy governor in England, but was prevented coming the first year, and John Winthrop, jun.]