1800 a decree ordering all to receive it and commanding the Inquisition to prohibit all books against it and to proceed against all persons who contravened its enactments. It was by means of the infamous Godoy, the criminal favourite of the Queen, that this decree was obtained, and for this good work the Pope proclaimed Godoy DEFENDER OF THE FAITH.

About the same time, (1800) the Pope took from the clergy one ninth of the tithes, and gave them to the king;-this he did, by virtue of his assumed prerogative as administrator of all the temporal wealth of the church. Cassoni however delayed the execution of the brief until he could form a junta at Madrid, of monks and nuns, under whose sanction the tithes were to be collected and applied; and a yearly account was to be demanded of the king relative to the application of the tithes, and to be sent to the Pope. The king, on knowing this,commanded the nuncio to delegate his powers in the matter to the Collector of ecclesiastical property on pain of banishment and the sequestration of his revenues. In 1796, Charles 4th, was requested to protect the edition of the canons by which the Spanish church had been governed from the establishment of the Gothic monarchy to the 15th century. The Royal library undertook the collection, and having completed it, learned that the Jesuit, Andries Burriel, had previously done it, and that his manuscript was at Brussels. It was procured, but Charles was deterred from publishing it by the outcry, that the canons militated against the pretentions of the crown. He therefore ordered the Marquis Cavallero to examine what was of this nature, that it might be destroyed. It was replied that the publicity of the canons was such, having been so often referred to by the historians and the apologists of canonical liberty, that if any part were suppressed, it would be a despicable and faithless work. The canons were not published till 1813.-It ought never to be forgotten that Dr. Cortois afterwards Archbishop of Armagh and the other Irish monks at that time in Spain, were the bitter and determined enemies of the publication of the canons;

their reason was, that the canons established the independence of the national church, on the Romish See, and because it was only by means of the suppression of them, that the triumph of the false decretals, (forged for the aggrandizement of the papal power) was secured. The canons were presented to the Cortes in 1820, the native ecclesiastics patriotically desiring that the church might again be governed by them,

O'Connel censures the cortes, and charges them and their adherents with persecution; but this was their crime; they abolished the inquisition and the tax of St. Jago, and limited the amount to be sent to Rome to 1800 pounds sterling per annum.

The restoration of the Royal family placed the yoke of papal bondage on the neck of the Spaniard. The present struggle is for the liberties of the church as well as of the nation.

MAN-WOMANRY: ABOLITIONISM IN THE FEMININE GENDER.

SOME Unknown individual has sent us through the Post Office, a Pamphlet of 23 pages, containing the "Proceedings of the Anti-Slavery Convention of American Women, held in the city of New York, -May 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th, 1837." It appears that 71 Delegates in pettycoats and 103 honoraryists, during these four days' proceedings, passed more than fifty resolutions of various kinds-made speeches without number, prepared divers appeals, addresses, and circulars, and decided abundant principles of moral and religious duty and seem to have made as good a mimickry of the lords of creation, as could reasonably be expected, on a first attempt. We sincerely hope, that these excellent individuals, have been safely restored to their homes, their housewifery and their proper cares: and that having done enough for glory, they will hereafter be content, to abide in the sphere which God has appointed for them. And as they have discovered and asserted that "the right of petition is natural and inalienable, derived immediately from God"-we venture to petition, as many of them as are "younger women"--that they "marry, bear children, guide the house, give none occasion to the adversary to speak reproachfully, I. Timothy v. 14:" the "younger widows" we petition to beware of "learning idleness, of wandering about, of becoming tattlers and busy-bodies, and speaking things which they ought not. I. Timothy v. 11-13:" the young women who have husbands, we petition, "to be sober, to love their husbands, to love their children, to be discreet, chaste, keepers at home, good, obedient to their own husbands, that the word of God be not blasphemed. Titus ii. 4-5:" "the aged women likewise" we petition, that they be in behaviour as becometh holiness, not false accusors, not given to much wine, teachers of good things; Titus ii. 23;”—and all who will hearken to us, we petition, to remember that their highest ornament is “a meek and quiet spirit I. Peter iii. 4;" that their sex was first in the transgression, and therefore they are forbidden "to teach or to usurp authority over the man"-but are required to "bear in silence with all subjection, 1. Timothy 4. 9. 15:" and seeing that God has commanded them in express terms to keep silence and be under obedience in the churches and has pronounced every attempt at public speaking on their part shameful-and this both under the law and under the gospel, that their proper place is not that of public teachers of mankind-but that of private learners at home, of their lawful and natural protectors. (1 Cor. xiv. 33. 36.)

But the whole scope and drift of the doings of these deluded females, are as marvelous, as the mode of procedure, was indelicate -unwomanly, and unscriptural. What however can be expected, when females forget the modesty of their nature and condition, and usurp the province of the stouter sex in marshalling public sentiment, and contending fiercely and rudely about the most exciting political questions of the age,-but that they should be betrayed into every sort of error, and exhibit a degree of folly, corresponding to the

excess of their impudence, and the impropriety of their behaviour. We have taken some pains to analize the pamphlet before ns, and and are grieved to be obliged to say, we consider it altogether the most mischievous in principle which has lately fallen under our eyes. That our readers may see the justice of this opinion, as well as be better enabled to judge of the nature of abolitionism itself, and of the character of the instruments, by which it acts, we proceed to lay before them in a condensed and rational form the substance of the scattered principles contained in it.

1. The fundamental principle of the pamphlet, and of the gathering whose proceedings it records, is that the women of the world have, and should exert, in a public and concentrated form, a vast if not an overruling influence over human affairs, of all kinds—and especially over, the whole subject of slavery in the world. Coupled with these pretentions, are repeated expressions of opinion that heretofore, women have not occupied their proper place in society, and assurances that they are about to take matters into their own hands, and set them right. The writings of Mrs. Woolstonecraft, the mistress of Godwin, contain nothing on this subject more absurd and subversive of society than several of the resolutions and letters printed in this pamphlet. We observe therefore that nothing less seems to be intended, than to produce a total revolution in human society, in regard to the condition, the duties and the rights of women. Thus on page 8 of the pamphlet, it is resolved on the motion of A. E. Grimke "that the women of America are solemnly called on by the spirit of the age, and the signs of the times fully to discuss the subject of slavery, that they may be prepared to meet the approaching emergency, and be qualified to act as women and as Christians on this all important subject." In favour of this motion the mover and Lucretia Mott made speeches; and immediately on its passage the same "woman" (the word lady seems, by a singular coincidence of fact with form to have been dropped by common consent) moved "that the time has come for woman to move in the sphere which providence has assigned her, and no longer remain satisfied in the circumscribed limits with which corrupt custom, and a perverted application of scripture have encircled her:" &c. &c. Here again Lucretia Mott backed the mover; and after the unreported amendments of Mary Grew and A. L. Cox had "called forth an animated and interesting debate respecting the rights and duties of women"-the conventionesses resolved on the necessity of the proposed revolution, from pettycoats to pantaloons!-If this grand change were only domestic, less might require to be said; and perhaps, really in that department, these personages have more reason to complain, than their neighbours. If so, we sincerely pity them, -and as sincerely regret the necessity of making their private griefs public. But the truth is, succeeding resolutions, commit the party to a total revolution, in the female department, in trade, literature, church, and state: as the resolutions of the said "A. E. Grimke"on pages 8 and 12; that of Martha Staggs on page 13, and most of the letters in the appendix prove.-We assert therefore in the most positive manner, that this pamphlet, exhibits a scheme for a total revolution in society, as to the whole subject of female duties and

rights; and that proof positive exists on the face of the proceedings that the 174 females constituting the convention, have already in a great degree emancipated themselves from the rules of delicacy, modesty, and decorum, prescribed by the gospel and by all polite and virtuous nations for the conduct of women-and signalized in their own persons, the benefits of the revolting change of manners, they have to propose to our fair country women.

2. The principles set forth by these disciples of Mrs Woolstonecraft's man-womanry, amount also to a thorough social, civil and political revolution, in the states, and in the general government.-S. M. Grimke on page 8, moves and the convention adopt, a denunciation of intermarriages, between slave holders and others. On the same page, is a resolution passed on the motion of S. M. Child, recommending "women" in certain states, to petition for the change of laws, which are supposed to act unfavourably in the cases of runaway and transient slaves, held or reclaimed by their owners. On page 13 Lucretia Mott, obtained the passage of a resolution, going to break up all trade and commerce with slave states, or in products of slave labour. On page 8, are three resolutions offered by the everlasting A. E. Grimke which if they have any meaning at all-pledge all "American women" favourable to this frantic movement, to labour for the dissolution of the union, and the ruin of the states now composing it-by political means, which the parties here acting, have thank God, no direct power to bring about,-seeing that as yet they neither vote, bear arms, nor hold office; tho' how soon they may do all three, will depend entirely on the progress of their party;-and we may once more be permitted to see "women," ride with one foot on each side of their horses. In the first of these three resolutions it is asserted "that the political, commercial, and domestic relations" now existing between the North and South-and the interests thereby produced-are "the true but hidden case"-of all the opposition heretofore made to abolitionism. The inference of course, is that these "relations" -should cease,-as thereby, the resulting interests which now thwart abolitionism and man-womanism would come to an endand the glory of radicalism and fanaticism be consummated. The second resolution applies the general principle of the first to a special case-and points out the method of dissolving the union, and producing ceaseless border wars between the states: namely, by refusing to deliver up fugitives from service in one state,-when they have escaped into another. It must be manifest to the capacity even of these illuminatæ, that such a state of things as they advocate would make good neighbourhood impossible between any adjoining states--and would put every difficulty to the arbitrament of the sword. And yet they profess principles of peace, as they tell us on page 12; tho'they are careful to explain that what they mean to express is a special abhorrence of that war, in which the nation might by possibility be obliged to engage in order to put down a servile insurrection which these Christian females, are so likely to enflame. And then with a knowledge of scripture nearly equal to their conformity of temper and behaviour to its dictates-they quote the command of God to Israel not to deliver to his master the servant who might

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flee to them for refuge. Two things we would crave of these worthy "women:" 1st, Was this law given as between one tribe and another; or only as between all the tribes, forming one nation, and the surrounding heathen nations? 2nd, Are the states of this union related to each other, as parts of one nation, like the tribes of Israel to each other; or is each state a foreign and hostile nation, as regards all the rest?—At present this precept of the law, has no application between our states; but if things move on, as of late-it may soon become binding; and when ever it does, it is to be hoped, these delicate makers of resolutions, will not shrink back from the fore front of the bloodshed and horror, which their peace principles will have entailed on their children, whether white, black, or yellow;-for we find the convention was like Joseph's coat, of many colours.-Of this more, by and by. The third resolution of the series now referred to, calls on "every woman in the United States"-to come forward, and begin the work, whose first act is that set forth in the second resolution-and whose finished work, is intimated in the first-by a united crusade against the congress of the United States, in the shape of petitions, to abolish slavery, in the district of Columbia and Florida, and put a stop to what they call "the interstate, slave trade:" these points being of small moment of themselves, and only important, as methods of excitement, and means of agitating the nation,-whose division and ruin form the subjects of the two preceding resolutions. A second edition of these resolutions, in an abbreviated form, is repeated at the instance of the same intermirable A. E. Grimkie, on page 11.

On

3. The whole department of benevolent effort-embracing the present condition of the churches and the true principles of church organization-with the whole subject of learning, and collegiate ⚫ education especialy-form jointly another department, in the grand circle of these new-born legislators in aprons. In this department L. M. Child, proved herself, we were going to say, a man. page 10 she is represented to have offered three resolutions-which passed and of which the purport follows.-The first asserts the principle that slave-holders ought not to be allowed to contribute to any benevolent object-because all they possess is the price of blood; and the great benevolent societies are rebuked for allowing such an iniquity. The second, denounces the present plans, and measures of the American church, for evangelizing the world. The third recommends to all Christians to set about, a grand revolution in these matters. On page 14, A. E. Grimkie again takes up the song, and raising loud notes of praise to the Oneida Institute the Western Reserve College, and the Oberlin Collegiate Institute, for abolishing all destinctions on account of colour, and admitting and treating coloured and white, lads and lasses (for the Oberlin humbug is hermaphrodite)-on precisely equal terms, and to the same halls, tables, classes, and beds, as we doubt not-respect being had to sex.And to the same general intent, there is much more in the precious pamphlet. It is worthy of special note, that all three of these institutions, are seated in the bounds of some one or other of the four Synods, separated from the communion of the Presbyterian church by the last General Assembly; and that all three of them, were in