time of Croesus; but their sole object was plunder, and none of the cities were molested. beyond the common limits of affection, an conceived, in the ardour of his passion, that he beauty was beyond all competition. Amon those who attended near his person, Gyges th son of Dascylus had rendered him essential ser vice, and was honoured by his particular confi dence. To him he frequently extolled the beauty of his wife in exaggerated terms. Unde the influence of a most fatal delusion, he took an opportunity of thus addressing him: "Gy. ges, I am satisfied, that we receive less convic. tion from what we hear, than from what we see ", and as you do not seem to credit all I tel you of my wife's personal accomplishments, "Suffer me," replied Gyges, "to remonstrate against the imprudence of your proposal. Re. member, Sir, that with her clothes a woman VII. The family of Croesus were termed the Mermnada; and it may be proper to relate by what means the empire descended to them from the Heraclidæ, Candaules, whom the Greeks call Myrsilus, was king of Sardis, and of the family of Alcæus the son of Hercules'. The first of the Heraclidae was Agron who reigned also at Sardis: he was the son of Ninus, the grandson of Belus, the great-grandson of Alcæus. Candaules the son of Myrsus was the last of this race. The people of this district were in ancient times called Meonians; they were afterwards named Lydians from Ly-am determined that you shall see her naked." dus the son of Atys. From him, before the time of Agron, the princes of the country derived their origin. The Heraclidæ, descended from Hercules and a female slave of Jardanus", enjoyed a delegated authority from these prin- revolved the danger, as well as the guilt. He pressed, ces, and afterwards obtained the supreme dig- and obtained, that one of the bravest champions of the nity from the declaration of an oracle. They more than a promise of secrecy could be drawn from the Lombards should be associated to the enterprize; but no retained their power in regular and uninter- gallant Perideus.-The mode of seduction employed by rupted succession, from father to son, to the Rosamond, betrays her shameless insensibility both to time of Candaules, a period equal to twenty-female attendants who was beloved by Peridius, and honour and to love. She supplied the place of one of her two ages of man, being no less than five hun- contrived some excuse for darkness and silence, till she dred and five years. could inform her companion, that he had enjoyed the queen of the Lombards, and that his own death, or the death of the king, must be the consequence of such treasonable adultery. In this alternative he chose rather to be the accomplice than the victim of Rosamond, whose undaunted spirit was incapable of fear or remorse.”— Gibbon. VIII. Candaules 5 was attached to his wife 1 Alcæus the son of Hercules]-Concerning the name of the son of Hercules by the female slave of Jardanus, Diodorus Siculus and our historian are at variance. Herodotus calls him Alcæus, Diodorus says his name was Cleoalus. But it is by no means surprising, that in matters of such remote antiquity writers should disagree. Apollodorus contradicts both Herodotus and Diodorus, and makes Croesus not one of the Mermnadæ, but one of the Heraclidæ, born of Agelaus son of Hercules by Omphale. Diodorus calls the son of Hercules, by Omphale, Lacon. I presume not to decide in this controversy, but with me the authority of Herodotus has the greatest weight.-Palmerius. 2 Agron]-Thus the best manuscripts spell this name. Julius Pollux says, that Ninus son of Belus, called his son Agron because he was born in the country.-Larcher, 3 Jardanus.]—In contradiction to both Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus, Palæphatus de Incredibilibus writes Jordanus.-T. 6 From what we hear, than from what we see.]Dionysius Halicarnassensis remarks on this passage, that Herodotus here, introducing a barbarian to notice, makes use of a figurative expression peculiarly appropriate to Barbarians; substituting the ears and the eyes for the discourse and sight of objects. Segnius irritant animos demissa per aurem Quam quæ sunt oculis subjecta fidelibus.-Hor. Ars Poet. 180. Polybius coincides in part with our historian, when he advances, that nature having provided us with two instruments, if they may be so termed, of the senses, hearing and sight, the latter, according to Heraclitus, is the most certain,the eyes being more decisive evidence than the ears. This is in many respects true; but Theophrastus has sagaciously remarked, according to Plutarch, that of all the senses the ear is that by which the passions may be the most easily excited.-Larcher. 4 Twenty-two ages of man.]—For twenty-two, Larcher reads fifteen ages.-That it ought to be so we are Our veneration for the ancients, however, must no ready enough to believe, and his arguments on the sub-prevent us from perceiving, that both the above remarks ject are clear, ingenious, and convincing; but having no authority for this reading in any edition which we have had the opportunity of consulting, it was thought proper literally to translate the text.-T. 5 Candaules.]-The story of Rosamond, queen of the Lombards, as recited by Mr Gibbon, bears so exact a resemblance to this of Candaules, that we are unable to forego the pleasure of transcribing it," The queen of Italy stooped from her throne to the arms of a subject: and Helmichis, the king's armour bearer, was the secret minister of her pleasure and revenge. Against the proposal of the murder he could no longer urge the scruples of fidelity or gratitude; but Helmichis trembled when he want solidity. The truth is, that we do not more im plicitly believe our eyes than our ears, or the contrary, except in those cases which respectively demand the testimony of either organs. It should be remembered, that when any thing is related to us, our ears give no kind of testimony concerning the fact, they inform us only that such words are spoken to us: after which, if what is related be an object of sight, we wish to appeal to our eyes for proof; if an object of hearing, to our ears; if of taste, smell, or touch, to the organs formed for such decision: and this is the sole ground of preference in any case, The remark of Horace rests on a different foundation, and is very just.—T. puts off her modesty'. Many are the precepts recorded by the sages for our instruction, but there is none more entitled to our regard than that, it becomes a man to look into those things only which concern himself.' I give implicit confidence to your assertions, I am willing to believe my mistress the most beautiful of her sex; but I beg you not to repeat a request with which it will be criminal to comply." IX. Gyges, from apprehension of the event, would have persevered in his refusal; but the king could not be dissuaded from his purpose. "Gyges," he resumed, "you have nothing to fear from me or from your mistress; I do not want to make experiment of your fidelity, and I shall render it impossible for the queen to detect you. I myself will place you behind an open door of the apartment in which we sleep. As soon as I enter, my wife will make her appearance; it is her custom to undress herself at leisure, and to place her garments one by one in a chair near the entrance. You will have the fairest opportunity of contemplating her person. As soon as she approaches the bed, and her face is turned from you, you must be careful to leave the room without being discovered." X. Gyges had no alternative but compliance. At the time of retiring to rest, he accompanied Candaules to his chamber, and the queen soon afterwards appeared. He saw her enter, and gradually disrobe herself. She approached the bed; and Gyges endeavoured to retire, but the queen saw and knew him. She instantly conceived her husband to be the cause of her disgrace, and determined on revenge. She had the presence of mind to restrain the emotions of her wounded delicacy, and to seem entirely ignorant of what had happened; although, among all the Barbarian nations, and among the Lydians in particular, for even a man to be seen naked, is deemed a matter of the greatest :urpitude. 7 With her clothes a woman puts off her modesty.] We can by no means, says Plutarch, in his Conjugal Preepts, allow this saying of Herodotus to be true: for urely, at this time, a modest woman is most effectually veiled by bashfulness, when the purest but most diffident affection proves, in the privacy of matrimonial retirenent, the surest testimony of reciprocal love.-T. Timæus in Athenæus affirms, that the Tyrrhenians acustomed themselves to be waited upon by naked wonen; and Theopompus, in the same author, adds, that in he above-mentioned nation it was by no means disgraceul for women to appear naked amongst men.-Larcher, 8 Among all the barbarian nations.]-Plato informs is, that the Greeks had not long considered it as a thing equally disgraceful and ridiculous for a man to be seen aked; an opinion, says he, which still exists amongst he greater part of the Barbarians.-Larcher. XI. The queen persevered in the strictest silence; and, having instructed some confidential servants for the occasion, she sent in the morning for Gyges. He, not at all suspicious of the event, complied instantly with the message, as he was accustomed to do at other times, and appeared before his mistress." As soon as he came into her presence, she thus addressed him: "Gyges, I submit two proposals to your choice; you must either destroy Candaules, and take possession of me and of the kingdom, or expect immediate death. Your unqualified obedience to your master, may prompt you to be once again a spectator of what modesty forbids: the king has been the author of my disgrace; you also in seeing me naked, have violated decorum; and it is necessary that one of you should die." Gyges, after he had somewhat recovered from his astonishment, implored her not to compel him to so delicate and difficult an alternative. But when he found that all expostulations were in vain, and that he must either put Candaules to death, or die himself, he chose rather to be the survivor. "Since my master must perish," he replied, "and, notwithstanding my reluctance, by my hands, by what means can your purpose be accomplished?" "The deed," she answered, "shall be perpetrated in that very place which was the scene of my disgrace. You shall kill my husband in his sleep." XII. Their measures were accordingly con To the above remark of Larcher may be added, that, according to Plutarch, it was amongst the institutes of Lycurgus, that the young women of Sparta should dance naked at their solemn feasts and sacrifices; at which time also they were accustomed to sing certain songs, whilst the young men stood in a circle about them, to see and hear them.-T. 9 Appeared before his mistress.]-The wife of Candaules, whose name Herodotus forbears to mention, was, according to Hephaestion, called Nyssia. Authors are divided in their account of this Gyges, and of the manner in which he slew Candaules. Plato makes him a shepherd in the service of the Lydian king, who was possessed of a ring which he found on the finger of a dead man inclosed within a horse of bronze. The shepherd, learning the property which this ring had, to render him invisible when the seal was turned to the inside of his hand, got himself deputed to the court by his fellows, where he seduced the queen, and assassinated Candaules. Xenophon says he was a slave; but this is not inconsistent with the account of Plato, were it in other respects admissible. Plutarch pretends, that Gyges took up arms against Candaules, assisted by the Milesians. The opinion of Herodotus seems preferable to the rest: born in a city contiguous to Lydia, no person could be better qualified to represent what relates to that kingdom.-Larcher. 8 Upon the event recorded in this chapter, the firste booke of Clio has this curious remark in the margin: "The Divil in old tyme a disposer of kingdomes, and since the Pope."-T. nor of evading the alternative before proposed. At the approach of night, the queen conducted him to her chamber, and placed him behind the same door, with a dagger in his hand. Candaules. was murdered in his sleep, and Gyges took immediate possession of his wife and of the empire. Of the above event, Archilochus 1 of Paros, who lived about the same period, has mrade mention in some Iambic verses. 3 5 certed Gyges had no opportunity of escape, silver. Among other marks of his liberality, six golden goblets, which weighed no less than thirty talents, deserve particular mention. These now stand in the treasury of Corinth ; though, in strict truth, that treasure was not given by the people of Corinth, but by Cypselus the son of Eetion. This Gyges was the first of the Barbarians whose history we know, who made votive offerings to the oracle, after Midas the son of Gordius, king of Phrygia. Midas consecrated to this purpose his own royal throne, a most beautiful specimen of art, from which he himself was accustomed to administer justice. This was deposited in the same place with the goblets of Gyges to whose offerings of gold and silver the Delphians assigned the name of the donor. Gyges, as soon as he succeeded to the throne, carried his arms against Miletus and Smyrna, and took the city Colophon. Although he reigned thirty-eight years, he performed no other remarkable exploit: we shall proceed, therefore, to speak of his son and successor, Ardys. XIII. A declaration of the Delphic oracle, confirmed Gyges in his possession of the sovereignty. The Lydians resented the fate of Candaules, and had recourse to arms. A stipulation was at length made betwixt the different parties, that if the oracle decided in favour of Gyges, he should continue on the throne; if otherwise, it should revert to the Heraclidæ. Although Gyges retained the supreme authority, the words of the oracle expressly intimated, that the Heraclidæ should be avenged in the person of the fifth descendant of Gyges. To this prediction, until it was ultimately accomplished, neither prince nor people paid the smallest attention. Thus did the Mermnada obtain the empire, to the injurious exclusion of the Heraclidæ. XIV. Gyges, as soon as he was established in his authority, sent various presents to Delphi," a considerable quantity of which were of 1 Archilochus.]-As without these concluding lines the sense would be complete, many have suspected them to have been inserted by some copyist. Scaliger has reasoned upon them, as if Herodotus meant to intimate, that because Archilochus makes mention of Gyges in his verses, he must have lived at the same period; but this by no means follows. Of Archilochus, Quintilian remarks, that he was one of the first writers of Iambics; that his verses were remarkable for their ingenuity, their elegant style, and nervous sentiment. Book x. chap. 1.-He is also honourably mentioned by Horace, who confesses that he imitates him. See 19th Epistle, Book 1st. Ovid, if the Ibis be his, speaks too of the Parian poet. Cicero, in his Tusculan Questions, says, that he lived in the time of Romulus. His compositions were so extremely licentious, that the Lacedæmonians ordered them to be removed from their city, and Archilochus himself to be banished. He was afterwards killed in some military excursion, by a person of the name of Coracus. Whoever wishes to have a more particular account of Archilochus, may consult Lilius Gyraldus de Poetar. Histor. dialog. ix. chap. 14. 2 Presents to Delphi.]-Amongst the subjects of literary controversy betwixt Boyle and Bentley, this was one: Boyle defended Delphos, principally from its being the common usage; Bentley rejects Delphos as a barbarism, it being merely the accusative case of Delphi. He tells a story of a popish priest, who for thirty years had read mumpsimus in his breviary, instead of sumpsimus; and, when a learned man told him of his blunder, replied, I will not change my old mumpsimus, for your XV. This prince vanquished the Prienians, and attacked Miletus. During his reign, the Cimmerians, being expelled their country by the Nomades of Scythia, passed over into Asia, and possessed themselves of all Sardis, except the citadel. XVI. After reigning forty-nine years, he was succeeded by his son Sadyattes, who reigned new sumpsimus. From a similar mistake in the old editions of the Bible in Henry the Eighth's time, it was printed Asson and Mileton; under Queen Elizabeth, it was changed into Asson and Miletum ; but in the reign of James the first, it was rectified to Assos and Miletus.Swift made a point of always writing Delphos, upon which Jortin facetiously remarks, that he should have submitted to reason, and received instruction from whatever quarter it came; from Wooton, from Bentley, or from Beelzebub.-T. See Bentley on Phalaris. 3 Six golden goblets.]—In the time of Herodotus, the proportion of silver to gold was as one to thirteen: these six goblets, therefore, were equivalent to 2,106,000 livres. The calculations of Herodotus differ in some respects from those of Diodorus Siculus.-Voyage de Jeune Anacharsis. Alyattes and Croesus obtained their wealth from some mines in Lydia situated between Atarna and Pergamos, The riches of Gyges were proverbial, and were mentioned in the verses of Archilochus: those of Croesus effectually surpassed them. Divitis audita est cui non opulentia Crosi-Ovid. Larcher 4 But by Cypselus the son of Eetion.]-In the temple at Delphi were certain different apartments or chapels, belonging to different cities, princes, or opulent individ uals. The offerings which these respectively made to the deity, were here deposited.-Larcher, 5 Midas the son of Gordius.]—There were in Phrygia a number of princes called after these names, as is sulliciently proved by Bouhier.-Larcher, 8 XVII. He resumed against the Milesians, the war which his father had commenced; and he conducted it in this manner :—As the time of harvest approached, he marched an army into their country, to the sound of the pastoral pipe, harp, and flutes masculine and feminine. " On his arrival in their territories, he neither burned, nor in any respect injured, their edifices which stood in the fields; but he totally destroyed the produce of their lands, and then returned. As the Milesians were securely situated near the sea, all attack upon their city would probably have proved ineffectual. His motive for not destroying their buildings was, that they might be induced again to cultivate their lands and that on every repetition of his incursions he might be secure of plunder. XIX. In the twelfth year of the war, the fol. lowing event happened, in consequence of the corn being set on fire by the enemy's army. A sudden wind directed the progress of the flames against the temple of the Assesian Minerva, " and entirely consumed it. It was not at first considered as a matter of any importance; but after the return of the army to Sardis, Alyattes was seized with a severe and lingering disease. From the impulse of his own mind, or from the persuasion of his friends he sent to make inquiries of the oracle concerning his recovery. On the arrival of his messengers, they were informed, that till the temple of the Assesian Minerva, which they had consumed by fire, should be restored, no answer would be given them. XX. Of this circumstance I myself was informed at Delphi ; but the Milesians add more. They inform us, that Periander the son of Cypselus, when he heard the answer given to Alyattes, despatched an emissary to Thrasybulus king of Miletus, with whom he was intimately connected, desiring him to pay suitable attention to the present emergence. This is the Milesian narrative. commission was, to make a truce with Thrasybulus for such time as might be required to repair the temple. Thrasybulus, in consequence of the intimation he had received, was aware of the intentions of Alyattes, and conducted himself in this manner; All the corn which was found, or could be procured at Miletus, was, by his direction, collected in the most public XVIII. In this manner was the war protracted during a period of eleven years; in which XXI. Alyattes, on the return of his mestime the Milesians received two remarkable de-sengers, despatched an herald to Miletus, whose feats, one in a pitched battle at Limeneium, within their own territories, another on the plains of Meander. Six of these eleven years, Sadyattes the son of Ardys reigned over the Lydians: he commenced the Milesian war, which his son Alyattes afterwards continued with increase of ardour. The Milesians, in this contest, received no assistance from any of their neighbours, except from Chios. The in-place of the city: he then ordered the Milesíhabitants of Chios offered their support, in return for the aid which they had formerly received from the Milesians, in a war with the Erythræans. 6 Against Cyaxares.]-This is perfectly consistent. Phraortes, the father of Cyaxares, reigned in Media at the same time that Ardys, grandfather of Alyattes, sat on the throne of Sardis.-Larcher. 7 Colophon.]—Gyges had taken Colophon, about which' time doubtless a colony deserted it, and settled at Smyr. na. Kw, as Wesseling properly observes, is continually used for, to send out a colony. In chap. cl. it is said, that some Colophonians, banished for sedition, had settled at Smyrna. If he alludes to the same emigrants, their sedition was probably against Gyges, after his conquest; but these could hardly be numerous or respectable enough to deserve the name of a colony.-T. 8 Flutes masculine and feminine.]-Aulus Gellius says, that Alyattes had in his army female players on the flute. Larcher is of opinion, that Herodotus alludes only to the different kinds of flutes mentioned in Terence, or perhaps to the Lydian and Phrygian flutes, the sound of one of which was grave, of the other acute.-T. ans, at an appointed period, to commence a scene of feasting and convivial mirth ". This 9 Assesian Minerva.]-Assesos was a small town dependent on Miletus. Minerva here had a temple, and hence took the name of the Assesian Minerva. deity was then called the Minerva of Assesos, as we say, at the present day, the Virgin of Loretto.-Larcher. The Virgin, in the Romish church, certainly resembles, in all respects, a heathen tutelary divinity; and affords one of those instances of similarity between one worship and the other, so well illustrated in Middleton's celebrated Letter from Rome.-T. 10 Convivial mirth.]-Many stratagems of a similar na. ture with this of Thrasybulus may be found in the stratagemata of Polyænus; a book not so well known as it merits. A similar artifice is recorded of one of the Roman generals, I forget which, who, though reduced to the extremest want, ordered all the bread they had remain. ing, after a long siege, to be thrown over the walls among the enemy. The besiegers, fatigued and exhausted, imagined that their opponents were prepared to hold out much longer, and hastily retired. See also Cæsar, in his account of the civil war, book iii, 48, where he tells XXII. Thrasybulus intended the Sardian | obdurate, and insisted that he should either kil ambassador should inform his master of the scene of festivity, and of the abundance of provisions he had beheld. He was not disappointed: the herald witnessed the above-mentioned spectacle, delivered his message, and returned to Sardis. This, as I have been informed, was the sole occasion of the peace which ensued. Alyattes had imagined, that the Milesians suffered exceedingly from the scarcity of corn, and were reduced to extreme distress. The return of his messenger convinced him he had been mistaken. A strict alliance was immediately formed betwixt the two nations: instead of one, Alyattes erected two temples to Minerva, and was soon afterwards restored to health. The above is a faithful account of the war betwixt Alyattes and the Milesians. XXIII. Periander, the son of Cypselus, who communicated to Thrasybulus the reply of the oracle, was king of Corinth. A most wonderful incident is said by the Corinthians to have happened in his time, and the story is confirmed by the Lesbians. It is asserted, that Arion the Methymnæan was carried to Tænarus on the back of a dolphin. 1 He excelled all his cotemporaries in his exquisite performance on the harp; and we have reason to suppose he was the first who invented, named, and taught at Corinth, the Dithyrambic measure". XXIV. After residing for a considerable time at the court of Periander, he was desirous of visiting Italy and Sicily. Acquiring there considerable wealth, he wished to return with it to Corinth with this view, he embarked at Tarentum in a Corinthian vessel, preferring the mariners of that nation. As soon as they stood out to sea the sailors determined to destroy Arion, for the sake of his riches. He discerned their intentions, and offered them his money to preserve his life. The men were us, that his soldiers made bread of a root called chara, adding, ex hoc effectos panes, quum in colloquiis Pompeiani famem nostris objectarent, vulgo in eos jaciebant, ut spem eorum minuerent. 1 He excelled.]-Arion, it seems, was a citharædus, which differed from the citharistes in this: the former accompanied his instrument with his voice; the latter did not. 2 Dithyrambic measure,]-This was a kind of verse or hymn in honour of Bacchus, or in praise of drinking; it was, a rude and perplexed composition, replete with figurative and obscure expressions.-Bellanger. Clemens of Alexandria affirms, that the inventor of - the Dithyrambic was Lassus or Lasus of Hermione. It should seem, however, from Pindar and his scholiast, that this species of poetry is so very ancient that its ori ginal inventor cannot be ascertained.-Larcher. himself, that they might bury him on shore", ; an i 3 Bury him on shore.]-This passage which perplexe the learned Reiske, seems to me sufficiently clear. The sailors indirectly promised Arion that they would bur him, if he would be the instrument of his own death.-Wesseling. 4 Orthian.]-The Orthian hymn was an air performe either on a flute or cithara, in an elevated key and quic time. It was, therefore, peculiarly adapted to animat combatants. See Aulus Gellius. By this species of song Timotheus so inflamed the ardour of Alexander, that h instantly leaped up and called for his arms. See Eusta thius. See also, Dryden's Ode on St Cæcilia's day.-Max imus Tyrius says, that to excite military ardour, th Orthian song was peculiarly adapted, as that called Pa rænion was for social and convivial occasions. See als Homer, Book xi. Thence the black fury through the Grecian throng 5 It is affirmed.]-Voltaire abuses Herodotus for tell. ing this story, as considering it true; but surely withou reason, as he by no means vouches for its truth. Gibbon, however, calls the story-telling tone of Ier odotus half sceptical and half superstitious.-T. |