BOOK IX.

CALLIOPE.

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I. On receiving this answer from the Atheni- | which he was prevented from following, partly ans, the ambassadors returned to Sparta. As by his earnest desire of becoming a second time soon as Mardonius heard from Alexander the master of Athens, and partly by his pride. He determination of the Athenians, he moved from was also anxious to inform the king at Sardis, Thessaly, directing by rapid marches his course by means of fires' dispersed at certain distances towards Athens. Wherever he came he fur- along the islands, that he had taken Athens. nished himself with supplies of troops. The Proceeding therefore to Attica, he found it toprinces of Thessaly were so far from repenting tally deserted; the inhabitants, as he was inof the part they had taken, that they endeav-formed, being either at Salamis or on board the oured still more to animate Mardonius. Of fleet. He then took possession of Athens a these, Thorax1 of Larissa, who had attended Xerxes in his flight, now openly conducted Mardonius into Greece.

II. As soon as the army in its progress arrived at Boeotia, the Thebans received Mardonius. They endeavoured to persuade him to fix his station where he was, assuring him that a place more convenient for a camp, or better adapted for the accomplishment of the purpose he had in view, could not be found. They told him, that by staying here he might subdue the Greeks without a battle. He might be satisfied, they added, from his former experience, that as long as the Greeks were united, it would be impossible for any body of men to subdue them. "If," said they, “ you will be directed by our advice, you will be able, without difficulty, to counteract their wisest counsels. Send a

sum of money to the most powerful men in each city; you will thus create anarchy in Greece, and by the assistance of your partizans, casily overcome all opposition."

second time, ten months after its capture by Xerxes.

IV. Whilst he continued at Athens, he despatched to Salamis, Murichides, a native of the Hellespont, with the same propositions that Alexander the Macedonian had before made to the Athenians. He sent this second time, not that he was ignorant of the ill-will of the Athenians towards him; but because he hoped, that seeing Attica effectually subject to his power, their firmness would relax.

V. Murichides went to the council, and delivered the sentiments of Mardonius. A senator named Lycidas gave his opinion, that the terms offered by Murichides were such as it became them to listen to, and communicate to the people: he said this, either from conviction, or seduced by the gold of Mardonius; but

contrary, that Mardonius, whilst in Boeotia, did actually send money to the Peloponnese, to detach the principal cities from the league.

3 From following.]—Diodorus Siculus assures us on the

4 Fires.]-I have before spoken on this subject, and

III. This was the advice of the Thebans, informed my reader, how, in remoter times, intelligence

of extraordinary events was communicated from one

1 Thorax.]—He was the son of Aleaus, and with his place to another by means of fires. The word here is two brothers Eurypylus and Thrasydeius, were remark-ugroot, which Larcher renders torches, and adds in a able for their attachment to Xerxes.-T. note the following particulars:

2 Larissa.]-There were several cities of this name in Asia and in Europe. Strabo remarks, that it was something peculiar to the Larissæi, both of Europe and Asia, that the ground or soil of their settlements was alike in three places, at the rivers Cayster, Hermus, and Peneus. It was yn xeraμswoos, land thrown up by the river.-T.

"Men placed at different distances gave notice of whatever happened. The first who saw any thing gave notice of it by holding up lighted torches; the second held up as many torches as he had seen; the third and the rest did the same: by which means intelligence was communicated to a great distance in a short space of time."-T.

he had no sooner thus expressed himself, than | cedæmon, and being introduced to the Ephori, both the Athenians who heard him, and those thus addressed them: "We have to inform who were without, rushed with indignation up- you, on the part of the Athenians, that the on him, and stoned him1 to death. Murichides king of the Medes has expressed himself willthey dismissed without injury. The Athenian ing to restore us our country, and to form an women soon heard of the tumult which had alliance with us on equitable terms, without been excited at Salamis on account of Lycidas, fraud or collusion: he has also engaged to give when in a body mutually stimulating each other, us any other country which we may choose, in they ran impetuously to his house, and stoned addition to our own. We, however, though his wife, and his children. deserted and betrayed by the Greeks, have steadily refused all his offers, through reverence for the Grecian Jupiter, and detestation of the crime of treachery to our countrymen. We are sensible that it would be more to our advantage to accept the Barbarian's offered friendship, than continue the object of his hostilities: we shall however be very unwilling to do so. Thus far we have discharged our duty to the Greeks with sincerity and candour; but you, who were so greatly alarmed at the possibility of our becoming the confederates of Persia, when once you were.convinced that, we should continue faithful to Greece, and when you had nearly completed the wall on the isthmus, thought no further of us nor of our danger. You had agreed with us jointly to meet the Barbarian in Boeotia; but you never fulfilled the engagement, considering the entrance of the enemy into Attica of no importance. The Athenians therefore confess, that they are incensed against you, as having violated your engagements. We now require you instantly to send us supplies, that we may be able to oppose the Barbarian in Attica. We have failed in meeting him in Boeotia; but we think the plains of Thria, in our own territories, a convenient and proper place to offer him battle."

VI. These were the inducements with the Athenians for returning to Salamis: as long as they entertained any expectation of assistance from the Peloponnese they staid in Attica: but when they found their allies careless and inactive, and that Mardonius was already in Boeotia, they removed with all their effects to Salamis. At the same time they sent envoys to Lacedæmon, to complain that the Spartans, instead of advancing with them to meet the Barbarian in Boeotia, had suffered him to enter Attica. They told them by what liberal offers the Persian had invited them to his friendship; and they forewarned them, that if they were not speedy in their communication of assistance, the Athenians must seek some other remedy. The Lacedæmonians were then celebrating what are called the Hyacinthia, which solemnity they deem of the highest importance; they were also at work upon the wall of the isthmus, of which the battlements were already erected.

VII. The Athenian deputies, accompanied by those of Megara and Platea, arrived at La

1 Stoned him.]-A man of the name of Cyrsilus had ten months before met a similar fate for having advised the people to stay in their city and receive Xerxes. The

Athenian women in like manner stoned his wife. Cicero mentions the same fact, probably from Demosthenes.See Demost. Orat. pro Corona.-Larcher.

The stoning a person to death was in remoter times not only resorted to by the people to gratify their fury against an obnoxious character, but it had the sanction of law, and was a punishment annexed to more enor. mous crimes. The extreme barbarity of it is too obvious to require discussion; we accordingly find it gradually disused as civilization extended its powerful influence. Within these last centuries, in all the distractions of civil, or the tumults occasioned by religious fanaticism, we meet with no example of any one's being stoned to death. A modern traveller informs us, that lapidation, or stoning to death, is a punishment at this time inflicted in Abyssinia for crimes against religion.-T.

2 Hyacinthia.]-A particular description of this solemnity is given by Athenæus in his fourth book. They were celebrated in memory of the beautiful Hyacinthus, whose story must be sufficiently familiar; and they were accompanied by games in honour of Apollo. They continued three days, and were exhibited at Amyclæ, in Laconia.-T.

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3 Ephori.Of the Ephori I have before spoken at some length, but I omitted to mention that the principal Ephorus was called Eponymus, as the principal Archon was at Athens, and for the same reason, because from him the year was named εφοξευοντός του δεινα.-Τ.

4 Grecian Jupiter.]-Pausanias in Corinthiis, c. xxx. speaks of a temple erected to this Jupiter on a mountain called Panhellenium: It was said to have been erected by Facus. There was also a festival called the Panellenia, celebrated by an assembly of people from the different parts of Greece.-T.

5 Thria.]-This was a village in Attica.-See Spon de Pagis Atticis. Athens had ten gates, the largest of which, probably because the entrance to the city from Thria, were called Porta Thriasia.-See Meursius Attica Lectiones. The same gates were afterwards called Dipylon.-See Plutarch in Pericle. Пaça vas Ogiacias πυλας αἱ νυν Διπυλον ονομάζονται. It was also called the sacred gate, and was that through which Sylla entered from the Piræus. It was named moreover the gate of Ceramicus.-T.

He had brought them back, because, whilst offering a sacrifice to determine whether he should attack the Persian, an eclipses of the sun had happened. Pausanias selected as his assistant in command, Euryanactes, son of Dorieus, who was his relation.

VIII. The Ephori heard, but deferred an- axandrides, and father of Pausanias, died very swering them till the next day: when the mor- soon after having conducted back from the isthrow came, they put them off till the day follow-mus the detachment which constructed the wall. ing, and this they did for ten days successively. In this interval, the Peloponnesians prosecuted with great ardour on the isthmus their work of the wall, which they nearly completed. Why the Spartans discovered so great an anxiety on the arrival of Alexander at Athens, lest the Athenians should come to terms with the Medes, and why now they did not seem to concern themselves about them, is more than I am able to explain, unless it was that the wall of the isthmus was unfinished, after which they did not want the aid of the Athenians; but when Alexander arrived at Athens, this work was not completed, although from terror of the Persians they eagerly pursued it.

XI. With these forces Pausanias left Sparta: the deputies, ignorant of the matter, when the morning came went to the Ephori, having previously resolved to return to their respective cities: “You, O Lacedæmonians," they exclaimed, “lingering here, solemnize the Hyacinthia, and are busy in your public games, basely deserting your allies. The Athenians, injured by you, and but little assisted by any,

best terms they can obtain. When the enmity betwixt us shall have ceased, and we shall become the king's allies, we shall fight with him wherever he may choose to lead us: you may know therefore what consequences you have to expect." In answer to this declaration of the ambassadors, the Ephori protested upon oath, that they believed their troops were already in Orestium, on their march against the strangers; by which expression they meant the

IX. The answer and motions of the Spar-will make their peace with the Persians on the tans were finally these: on the day preceding that which was last appointed, a man of Tegea, named Chileus," who enjoyed at Lacedæmon greater reputation than any other foreigner, inquired from one of the Ephori what the Athenians had said; which when he knew, he thus addressed them: "Things, O Ephori, are thus circumstanced. If the Athenians, withdrawing from our alliance, shall unite with the Persian, strong as our wall on the isthmus may be, the enemy will still find an easy entrance into the Peloponnese. Let us therefore hear them before they do any thing which may involve Greece in ruin."

X. The Ephori were so impressed by what Chileus had said, that without communicating with the deputies of the different states, whilst it was yet night, they sent away a detachment of five thousand Spartans, each accompanied by seven Helots, under the conduct of Pausanias, son of Cleombrotus. The command properly belonged to Plistarchus," son of Leonidas; he was yet a child, and Pausanias was his guardian and his uncle. Cleombrotus, the son of An

6 Chileus.]—Plutarch, in the Essay so often quoted, takes occasion in this place severely to reprobate Herodotus. According to the Historian, says he, we are taught to believe, that if any private business had kept Chileus at home, or if the rites of private hospitality had not accidentally subsisted betwixt this man and some of the Ephori, the splendid victory of Platea never would have happened. Surely it could not be necessary to inform a man of Plutarch's wisdom, that from causes equally insignificant, events not less important than the one here recorded have proceeded.-T.

7 Plistarchus.]-This prince, according to Pausanias, died at a very early age, and was succeeded by the Pausanias here mentioned.-T.

8 An eclipse.]-That an eclipse in the early ages of ignorance and superstition should be deemed an inauspicious omen seems very natural. A partial deprivation of light or heat, contrary to their ordinary experience, and beyond their ability to account for or explain, must to untutored minds have had the appearance of preternatural interposition, and have seemed expressive of divine displeasure.

Mr Seldon makes no scruple to assert, that the authors of the melancholy rites instituted in Phrygia in honour of Adonis, had no other meaning than to represent thereby the access and recess of the sun. Attes Hyes, Hyes Attes, was the set form of exclamation used in these mysteries, which, as explained by Bochart, means, tu es ignis, ille est ignis, is consistent with Seldon's opinion, and justifies us in concluding, that ignis, fire or heat, whether solar or any other, whether real or symbolical, was the chief thing intended and pointed at in these mysteries. Neither is it perhaps unworthy of remark, that Ezekiel was carried to the north door of the temple to behold the women lamenting Thammuz or Adonis.

"Then he brought me to the door of the gate of the Lord's house which was towards the north, and behold, there sat women weeping for Thammuz."-Ezek. viii. 15.-T.

9 The Strangers, &c. Barbarians.]—I have before remarked, that the ancients used the word Barbarians in a much milder sense than we do. In the sense in which it is here used, it occurs in the following classical lines of Milton:

High on a throne of royal state, which far
Outshone the wealth of Ormus or of Ind,