The Barbarians rushing upon them, some in front, after overturning their wall, others surrounding and pressing them in all directions, finally overpowered them. CCXXVI. Such was the conduct of the Lacedæmonians and Thespians; but none of them distinguished themselves so much as Dieneces the Spartan. A speech of his is recorded, which he made before they came to any engagement. A certain Trachinian having observed, that the Barbarians would send forth such a shower of arrows that their multitude would obscure the sun; he replied, like a man ignorant of fear, and despising the numbers of the Medes, "our Trachinian friend promises us great advantages; if the Medes obscure the sun's light, we shall fight with them in the shade, and be protected from the heat." Many other sayings have been handed down as monuments of this man's fame. CCXXVII. Next to him, the most distinguished of the Spartans were Alpheus, and Maron, two brothers, the sons of Orsiphantus; of the Thespians, the most conspicuous was Dithyrambus, son of Harmatidas. CCXXVIII. All these were interred in the place where they fell, together with such of the confederates as were slain before the sepa ration of the forces by Leonidas. Upon their tomb was this inscription: "Here once, from Pelops' sea-girt region brought, Four thousand men three hostile millions fought." This was applied to them all collectively. The Spartans were thus distinguished: "Go, stranger, and to list'ning Spartans tell, "By Medes cut off beside Sperchius' wave, The seer Megistias fills this glorious grave: Who stood the fate he well foresaw to meet, And, link'd with Sparta's leaders, scorn'd retreat." All these ornaments and inscriptions, that of Megistias alone excepted, were here placed by the Amphictyons. Simonides son of Leoprepis, inscribed the one to the honour of Megistias, from the ties of private hospitality. CCXXIX. Of these three hundred, there were two named Eurytus and Aristodemus ; both of them, consistently with the discipline of their country, might have secured themselves by retiring to Sparta, for Leonidas had permitted them to leave the camp; but they con tinued at Alpenus, being both afflicted by a violent disorder of the eyes: or, if they had the alternative of meeting death in the field not thought proper to return home, they had with their fellow-soldiers, In this situation, they differed in opinion what conduct to pursue. Eurytus having heard of the circuit made by the Persians, called for his arms, and putting them on, commanded his helot to conduct him to the battle. The slave did so, and immediately fled, whilst his master died fighting valiantly. Aristodemus pusillanimously staid where he was. If either Aristodemus, being individually diseased, had retired home, or if they had returned together, I cannot think that the Spartans could have shown any resentment against them; but as one of them died in the field, which the other, who was precisely in the same circumstances, refused to do, it was impossible not to be greatly incensed against Aristodemus. CCXXX. The safe return of Aristodemus There was one also appropriated to the prophet to Sparta is by some thus related and explained. Megistias : Now stands alone. In heaps his slaughter'd friends His closing eye contemplates. Fame can twine There are others who assert, that he was despatched on some business from the army, and might, if he had pleased, have been present at the battle, but that he saved himself by lingering on the way. They add, that his companion, employed on the same business, returned to the battle, and there fell. CCXXXI. Aristodemus, on his return, was branded with disgrace and infamy; no one would speak with him; no one would supply him with fire; and the opprobrious term of trembler was annexed to his name; but he 6 Simonides son of Leoprepis.]-See note to book v. c. 102. The Simonides here mentioned composed several works, the titles of which may be seen in the Bibliotheca Græca of Fabricius, v. i. p. 565. Trembler.]-He who trembled, irgeσas; it might afterwards at the battle of Platea effectually for Demaratus, and thus addressed him: "I atoned for his former conduct. CCXXXII. It is also said that another of the three hundred survived; his name was Pantites, and he had been sent on some business to Thessaly. Returning to Sparta, he felt himself in disgrace, and put an end to his life. CCXXXIII. The Thebans, under the command of Leontiades, hitherto constrained by force, had fought with the Greeks against the Persians; but as soon as they saw that the Persians were victorious, when Leonidas and his party retired to the hill, they separated themselves from the Greeks. In the attitude of suppliants they approached the Barbarians, assuring them what was really the truth, that they were attached to the Medes; that they had been among the first to render earth and water; that they had only come to Thermopylæ on compulsion, and could not be considered as accessory to the slaughter of the king's troops. The Thessalians confirming the truth of what they had asserted their lives were preserved. Some of them however were slain; for as they approached, the Barbarians put several to the sword; but the greater part, by the order of Xerxes, had the royal marks impressed upon them, beginning with Leontiades himself. Eurymachus his son was afterwards slain at the head of four hundred Thebans, by the people of Platea, whilst he was making an attempt upon their city. CCXXXIV. In this manner the Greeks fought' at Thermopylæ. Xerxes afterwards sent be rendered quaker; this scems to have been an established term of opprobrium in Sparta; Tyrtæus says, τρεσσαν των δ' ανδρων πασ' απολωλ' αρετη— the tremblers are devoid of all virtue." See Brunck's Anal. vol. i. p. 49.-T. 1 The Greeks fought.]-Plutarch censures Herodotus for omitting many memorable things relating to Leonidas. Some of those specified by Plutarch I have already introduced in my notes, others were as follows: When the wife of Leonidas took leave of him, she asked him what commands he had for her? "Marry," said he, in reply, "a good man, and bring him good children.”— Being desirous of saving two of his relations, who were with him at Thermopyla, he pretended to give them messages to the senate of Sparta; "I followed you," says one of them, "to fight, not as a messenger.' "What you enjoin," says the other, "is the business of a messenger;" he then took up his shield and placed himself in his rank. have already, Demaratus, had experience of It was the aim of Lycurgus to settle and root in the minds of the Spartans this principle, that the preference was always to be given to virtue, which constituted the only real difference or inequality between one man and persuaded them to renounce all other means of happiness usually but falsely so called, to make virtue their chief and only object, and to put themselves, their desires, and their hopes to this single test. He prevailed on the rich and noble to give up their ample possessions, to throw all they had into a common fund, and to reduce themselves to a level with their neighbours. And these men, instead of the soft and tender blandishments of plenty, the sweets of luxury, and the pride of life, to which they had been accustomed, were contented to submit to the austerities of a severe and painful discipline; to sit down to a coarse mess of black Spartan broth; to make no appearance, to expect no treatment abroad better than others. This astonishing reformation was confirmed and secured by two expedients; the one which obliged every person to dine constantly in public with his own tribe, on the dinner which was provided for them at the expense of the state; the other, which forbade the use of any other than iron money: by these salutary injunctions, every opportunity of indulging in luxury was cut off, as well as the means of providing for it. They reudered money altogether useless among them, so that Plutarch informs us, it was a cominon saying in other another. And he succeeded almost to a miracle. He countries, "that at Sparta, and there alone, of all the cities in the world, Plutus the god of riches was blind; a mere picture or statue without life or motion." I would here remark, that is one note of difference which Polybius assigns against those who likened the Cretan polity to the Spartan, see book sixth. Plato also, when he reckons riches the fourth ordinary blessing to a state, certainly could not esteem this disregard of money which prevailed in Sparta as a mark of extraordinary virtue ; but ordinances so self denying, so opposite to the suggestions of sense, and the ordinary practice of mankind, would not have been received on the authority of Lycurgus, if they had not been favoured by a character of mind peculiar to this people. It was the natural and constitutional bravery of the Spartans which, inclined them to admit and obey such a plan and form of ment. govern Precept and authority alone would not have done it, for the passions of men are neither to be reasoned no terrified from their own bent and tendency: it is therefore but rendering justice to this gallant people to confess, that their bravery of mind was founded in inclination and principle. Cicero observes, that the Spartans (and the same could not be said of any other people in the world) had retained their primitive manners, without changing their laws, for more than seven hundred years. I cannot in a more proper place than this make a few-See Orat. pro L. Flacco. Lacedæmonii soli, toto orbe miscellaneous remarks upon the institutions of Lycurgus, and the manners of the Spartans; not that I entertain any hope of throwing new light on a subject which has terrarum, septingentos annos et amplius suis moribus et nunquam mutatis legibus, vixerunt.-See also Liry, book xxx. c. 34. pened as you foretold; tell me then how many Plutarch says, only five hundred years, until the time of Agis, son of Archidamus, in which period fourteen kings had reigned. See his life of Lycurgus. The conquest of Lysander in Asia, by filling Lacedæmon with money, 66 you truth and integrity, every thing has hap- | of the Lacedæmonians may there be left, how many of like valour with those who have perished, or are they all alike ?" Sir," replied Demaratus, "the Lacedæmonians are a numerous people, and possessed of many cities; but I will answer your question more particularly. Sparta itself contains eight thousand men, all of whom are equal in valour to those who fought here: the other Lacedæmonians, though inferior to these, are still brave." "Tell me then," returned Xerxes, "how we may subdue these men with least trouble? you who have been their prince, must know what measures they are likely to pursue." introduced luxury, and vitiated their morals; several examples of which are produced by Xenophon. The women of Sparta seem little less entitled to admiration; strangers to the natural weakness and softness of their sex, they were actuated by the same gallant spirit as the men. They submitted to a like discipline, and endured similar hardships. Instead of studying the accomplishments which usually distinguish a female education, they accustomed themselves to manly exercises; to running, wrestling, throwing the dart or quoit; having the emulation to contend with men at their own arts, and to bear them company in the same paths of glory. I cannot help presuming, with respect to the dames as well as the men of Sparta, that it must have been some thing innate, something beyond the power of education, custom, or example, which constitutes the wonderful difference we discern in them, compared with all other women. Can it then be a matter of wonder, that the Spartan females claimed extraordinary privileges at home, and more extensive power in the government of their families. Lycurgus disliked that excessive authority, which the women had usurped, and attempted it seems, to reform it, and to restore to the husband the usual and proper authority in his own house; but in vain a convincing argument, that if the women had not of themselves been inclined to his laws of female education, they would have paid them neither attention nor obedience. War, then, and conquest, with the endurance of fatigue, were the principal objects which the Spartans had in view. Learning, and the study of letters, of arts and sciences, to which their neighbours the Athenians were devoted, were in no repute among them. Hence it has been observed, that the former made the better figure in war, the latter in peace.-See Valerius Maximus, l. ii. c. 6. Egregios virtutis bellicæ spiritus Lacedæmoniorum, prudentissimi pacis moribus Athenienses subsequuntur. And this was unquestionably true, since we are assured, that although the most rigorous care was taken to keep their youth constantly to their exercises, their men of mature years were permitted to live just as they pleased; they followed no employment, they disdained industry and honest labour, and were indeed forbidden to pursue any art, which was accounted illiberal; even husbandry, and the management and culture of their lands, the most rational and public spirited study that can be pursued, they left entirely to their slaves. The old men of Sparta spent the whole of their time in frequenting their schools and apartments of the youth, as at Athens they did at the public places of resort, to hear or to tell some new thing. The former indeed could mis. pend their time in this manner with more grace, and might plead the authority of Lycurgus in their vindication, whose policy and scheme of government aimed at maintaining an equality among the people, by restraining them from trade, and the arts of growing rich. The design of Solon was entirely the reverse: he strove to animate the Athenians with a spirit of industry; he enacted a law against idleness, requiring every person to have a calling and profession, and the philosopher who had none fell under the statute. Cleanthes and Menedemus were indicted and called before the Areopagus on CCXXXV. 1 Since, Sir," answered Demaratus, "you place a confidence in my opinion, it is proper that I should speak to you from the best of my judgment: I would therefore recommend you to send a fleet of three hundred vessels to the coast of Lacedæmonia. Contiguous to this is an island named Cythera, of which Chilon, the wisest of our countrymen, observed, that it would be better for the Spartans if it were buried in the sea; foreseeing the probability of such a measure as I now recommend. From this island your troops may spread terror over Sparta. Thus, a war so very near them, may remove from you any apprehension of their assisting the rest of Greece, which will then be open to your arms, and this account. The statute which restrained the study of rhetoric at Rome, assigned this reason: "Ibi homines adolescentulos totos dies desidere;" for the same reason philosophers were banished, among whom was Epictetus in the reign of Domitian.-See Aulus Gellius, 1. xv. c. 11, I have little to say on the religion of the Spartans. The object of their worship seems to have been diversified by them as well as by the Athenians according to the system of politics which their respective lawgivers established. Solon, intent upon promoting commerce, and gainful arts, presented the GREAT GODDESS to the Athenians, holding in her right hand the weaver's beam, and he surnamed her from the Egyptians, Athene, and Minerva, styling her the goddess of arts and sciences. Lycurgus, training up the Spartans to the discipline of war, clothed the same goddess in armour, called her Pallas, and the Goddess of Battle (παμμαχος και χαλ2101205 Osa) Aristoph. Lysist. ad finem. She was styled Chalciccus, either because her temple was of brass, or because it was built by fugitives from Chalcis in Euboea. The brothers also, Castor and Pollux, were for similar reasons enrolled in the Fasti of the Spartans; and I presume, if the Pagan Theology be capable of being reduced to any fixed and settled rules, it will be best explained and accounted for by supposing the religion of every different nation or people to be a mixture of worship, and physics, and politics, and that their idols were representations of natural causes, named and habited according to the different tempers and genius of those who set them up.-T. which if subdued, will leave Sparta hardly able in a friend's happiness; has no sentiments for to oppose you. If my advice be disregarded him but those of the truest kindness, and gives you may expect what follows. There is a nar-him always the best advice. Let no one thererow isthmus in the Peloponnese, in which all fore in future use any invective against Demarits people will assemble in resistance to your atus, who is my friend." arms, and where you will have far more violent contests to sustain than you have here experienced. If you execute what I propose, you may without a battle become master of the isthmus, with all the cities of Peloponnesus." CCXXXVIII. When Xerxes had finished, he went to view the dead, amongst whom was Leonidas. When he heard that he had been the prince and leader of Sparta, he ordered his head to be cut off, and his body to be suspended on a cross. This incident is no small proof to me, amongst many others, that Xerxes indulged the warmest indignation against Leonidas whilst he was alive. He otherwise would not have treated him when dead with such barbarity. I know that the Persians, of all mankind, most highly honour military virtue. The orders however of the king were executed. CCXXXIX. I shall now return to the CCXXXVI. Achæmenes the brother of Xerxes, and commander of the fleet, was present at this interview. Fearful that the king might do as he had been advised, he thus delivered his sentiments : "You seem, Sir," said he, "too much inclined to listen to a man, who either envies your prosperity, or wishes to be tray you. It is the character of Greeks to envy the successful, and to hate their superiors. We have already lost by shipwreck four hun-thread of our history. The Spartans were the dred vessels; if we detach three hundred more to the Peloponnese, the force of our opponents will be equal to our own; our united fleet will be far superior to theirs, and with respect to any efforts they can make, invincible. If your forces by land, and your fleet by sea advance at the same time, they will be able mutually to assist each other; if you separate them, the fleet will not be able to assist you, nor you the fleet. It becomes you to deliberate well on your own affairs, and not to concern yourself about those of your enemies, nor to inquire where they will commence their hostilities, what measures they will take, or how numerous they are. Let them attend to their affairs, we to ours. If the Lacedæmonians shall presume to attack the Persians, they will be far from repairing the loss they have already sustained." CCXXXVII. "Achæmenes," answered Xerxes, "I approve your counsel, and will follow it. The sentiments of Demaratus are, I well know, dictated by his regard to my interests; but your advice to me seems preferable. I cannot be persuaded that he has any improper intentions, events having proved the wisdom of his former counsels. One man frequently envies the prosperity of another, and indulges in secret sentiments of hatred against him, neither will he, when he requires it, give him salutary advice, unless indeed from some surprising effort of virtue; but a friend exults first who were acquainted with the king's designs against Greece; they sent to the oracle on the occasion, and received the answer I have related. The intelligence was communicated to them in an extraordinary manner. Demaratus, the son of Ariston, had taken refuge amongst the Medes, and, as there is every reason to suppose, was not friendly to the Spartans. He however it was who informed them of what was meditated, whether to serve or insult them must be left to conjecture. When Xerxes had resolved on this expedition against Greece, Demaratus, who was at Susa, and acquainted with his intentions, determined to inform the Lacedæmonians. As this was both difficult and dangerous, he employed the following means: he took two tablets, and erased the wax from each; then inscribed the purpose of the king upon the wood. This done, he replaced the wax, that the several guards on the road, from seeing the empty tablets, might have no suspicion of the business. When these were delivered at Lacedæmon, the people had no conception of their meaning, till, as I have been informed, Gorgo, the daughter of Cleomenes and wife of Leonidas, removed the difficulty. Imagining what might be intended, she ordered the wax to be removed, and thus made the contents of the tablets known. The Lacedæmonians, after examining what was inscribed on the wood, circulated the intelligence through Greece. HERODOTUS. BOOK VIII. URANIA. be endangered by any contention, they very wisely withdrew their claims: as much as war itself is more destructive than peace, so much more dangerous are intestine commotions, than a war conducted with consistency and union; persuaded of this, they did not dispute the matter whilst circumstances justified and required their forbearance. Afterwards, when having repelled the Persian, they were contending for what belonged to him, they made the insolence of Pausanias a pretence for depriving the Lacedæmonians of the command. These, however were things which happened afterwards. I. I HAVE before described the events which are said to have happened. The Greeks who composed the naval armament were these: The Athenians' furnished one hundred and twenty-seven vessels, part of which were manned by Plateans, who, though ignorant of sea affairs, were prompted by zeal and courage; the Corinthians brought forty ships, the Megarians twenty; the Chalcidians equipped twenty ships, which the Athenians supplied; the Æginetæ eighteen, the Sicyonians twelve, and the Lacedæmonians ten; the Epidaurians brought eight, the Eretrians seven, the Trœzenians five, the Styreans two, the people of Ceos two, and two barks of fifty oars; the Opuntian Locrians assisted the confederates with seven vessels of fifty oars. II. These were stationed at Artemisium; ¦ as the attempts of the Barbarians had succeedand such were the numbers which each nation supplied. Without taking into the account the vessels of fifty oars, the whole amounted to two hundred and seventy-one. Of these the commander-in-chief appointed by the Spartans, was Eurybiades, the son of Euryclidas. The allies refused to serve under the Athenians, and had resolved, unless they had a Spartan leader, to disperse. III. At first, and before any deputation had been sent to Sicily requiring assistance, it had been debated whether it would not be expedient to intrust the conduct of the naval forces to the Athenians; but as this was opposed by the allies, the Athenians did not insist upon it.2 Their principal concern was the welfare of Greece, and as they were sensible that it would 1 Athenians.]—Diodorus Siculus makes the number of Athenian vessels on this occasion two hundred. 2 Did not insist upon it.]—Mr Glover, in his Poem of the Athenaid, puts this sentiment into the mouth of Themistocles: Wisely did we cede To Spartan Eurybiades command; The different squadrons to their native ports IV. When the Greeks assembled at Artemisium saw the number of ships which were collected at Aphetæ, and every place crowdea with troops, they were struck with terror; and ed so much beyond their expectations, they consulted about retreating to the interior parts of Greece. When this idea had been generally circulated, the Euboeans entreated Eurybiades to give them time to remove their children and their slaves. Unsuccessful in this application, they went to Themistocles the Athenian leader, whom they engaged on consideration of thirty talents, to continue at Euboea, and risk the event of a battle. V. This was effected by Themistocles in the following manner: he presented Eurybiades with five talents, as if from himself; having gained him, he had only to prevail on Adimantus the Corinthian,' the son of Ocytus, who 3 Parts of Greece.]—Plutarch is very severe upon Herodotus for making this assertion. Pindar, says he, who was a native of a city supposed to be attached to the Medes, mentions the behaviour of the Athenians at Artemisium with the highest encomiums. So perhaps he might, but what does this prove? certainly not that the Greeks did not stay and fight against their will, though when they actually were engaged, they behaved with extraordinary valour. 4 Adimantus the Corinthian.]-This Adimantus in the event behaved timidly. He was a Corinthian, and leader |