Return to Armageddon: The United States and the Nuclear Arms Race, 1981-1999Oxford University Press, 20 févr. 2003 - 320 pages When the Cold War ended, the world let out a collective sigh of relief as the fear of nuclear confrontation between superpowers appeared to vanish overnight. As we approach the new millennium, however, the proliferation of nuclear weapons to ever more belligerent countries and factions raises alarming new concerns about the threat of nuclear war. In Return to Armageddon, Ronald Powaski assesses the dangers that beset us as we enter an increasingly unstable political world. With the START I and II treaties, completed by George Bush in 1991 and 1993 respectively, and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), signed by Bill Clinton in 1996, it seemed as if the nuclear clock had been successfully turned back to a safer hour. But Powaski shows that there is much less reason for optimism than we may like to think. Continued U.S.-Russian cooperation can no longer be assured. To make matters worse, Russia has not ratified the START II Treaty and the U.S. Senate has failed to approve the CTBT. Perhaps even more ominously, the effort to prevent the acquisition of nuclear weapons by nonweapon states is threatened by nuclear tests conducted by India and Pakistan. The nuclear club is growing and its most recent members are increasingly hostile. Indeed, it is becoming ever more difficult to keep track of the expertise and material needed to build nuclear weapons, which almost certainly will find their way into terrorist hands. Accessible, authoritative, and provocative, Return to Armageddon provides both a comprehensive account of the arms control process and a startling reappraisal of the nuclear threat that refuses to go away. |
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... advocates believed that the numbers should be left where they were until an agreement reducing the number of deployed nuclear weapons could be implemented. The freeze proposal had two major advantages that made it attractive to the.
... advocates believed that the numbers should be left where they were until an agreement reducing the number of deployed nuclear weapons could be implemented. The freeze proposal had two major advantages that made it attractive to the.
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... proposal through their respective hierarchies. In 1983 the Roman Catholic bishops issued a pastoral letter in which they asserted that it is categorically immoral to use nuclear weapons against civilian populations, even in retaliatory ...
... proposal through their respective hierarchies. In 1983 the Roman Catholic bishops issued a pastoral letter in which they asserted that it is categorically immoral to use nuclear weapons against civilian populations, even in retaliatory ...
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... proposal. He also announced that the first round of the talks would begin in Geneva, Switzerland on June 29, 1982. The administration's slowness in getting START going created the impression—which was hard to refute—that it was more ...
... proposal. He also announced that the first round of the talks would begin in Geneva, Switzerland on June 29, 1982. The administration's slowness in getting START going created the impression—which was hard to refute—that it was more ...
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... proposal, Haig recalled, “the President decided to give each supplicant half the baby.” It contained a State Department plan for gradual reductions and the Pentagon's demand for major reductions in the throw weight (payload capacity) of ...
... proposal, Haig recalled, “the President decided to give each supplicant half the baby.” It contained a State Department plan for gradual reductions and the Pentagon's demand for major reductions in the throw weight (payload capacity) of ...
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... proposal. Acceptance would have required Moscow to scrap about 1,500 strategic missiles, compared to about 850 for ... proposal was more advantageous to the U.S. side, since U.S. bombers carried about 3,000 nuclear weapons compared to ...
... proposal. Acceptance would have required Moscow to scrap about 1,500 strategic missiles, compared to about 850 for ... proposal was more advantageous to the U.S. side, since U.S. bombers carried about 3,000 nuclear weapons compared to ...
Table des matières
The Reagan AboutFace | |
Bush and START I | |
Clinton START II and the ABM Treaty | |
Clinton and Counterproliferation | |
Autres éditions - Tout afficher
Return to Armageddon: The United States and the Nuclear Arms Race, 1981-1999 Ronald E. Powaski Aucun aperçu disponible - 2003 |
Expressions et termes fréquents
Able Archer 83 ABM Treaty addition administration’s agreed agreement ALCMS American announced argued Arms Control Today attack ballistic missile defense billion bombers Bush administration Bush’s capability China Clinton administration Congress congressional Control Today 22 cruise missiles CTBT defense system deployed deployment deterrent dismantlement Dunbar Lockwood eliminate fissile material Gorbachev hard-liners Ibid ICBMS India INF Treaty Initiative interceptors Iran Iraq Kazakhstan kilometers launch launchers limited military MIRved Moscow MTCR National Security negotiations Nonproliferation nonweapon North Korea nuclear arms race nuclear arsenal nuclear forces nuclear materials nuclear testing nuclear warheads nuclear weapons October Pakistan percent permitted plutonium president president’s proliferation proposal ratified reactors Reagan administration Republican Russian SALT II Senate September Shevardnadze Shultz sides SLBMS Soviet Union space-based START II Strategic Defense Strategic Defense Initiative strategic forces strategic nuclear summit targets THAAD threat TMD systems treaty’s U.S. nuclear Ukraine United verification Yeltsin