Return to Armageddon: The United States and the Nuclear Arms Race, 1981-1999Oxford University Press, 20 févr. 2003 - 320 pages When the Cold War ended, the world let out a collective sigh of relief as the fear of nuclear confrontation between superpowers appeared to vanish overnight. As we approach the new millennium, however, the proliferation of nuclear weapons to ever more belligerent countries and factions raises alarming new concerns about the threat of nuclear war. In Return to Armageddon, Ronald Powaski assesses the dangers that beset us as we enter an increasingly unstable political world. With the START I and II treaties, completed by George Bush in 1991 and 1993 respectively, and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), signed by Bill Clinton in 1996, it seemed as if the nuclear clock had been successfully turned back to a safer hour. But Powaski shows that there is much less reason for optimism than we may like to think. Continued U.S.-Russian cooperation can no longer be assured. To make matters worse, Russia has not ratified the START II Treaty and the U.S. Senate has failed to approve the CTBT. Perhaps even more ominously, the effort to prevent the acquisition of nuclear weapons by nonweapon states is threatened by nuclear tests conducted by India and Pakistan. The nuclear club is growing and its most recent members are increasingly hostile. Indeed, it is becoming ever more difficult to keep track of the expertise and material needed to build nuclear weapons, which almost certainly will find their way into terrorist hands. Accessible, authoritative, and provocative, Return to Armageddon provides both a comprehensive account of the arms control process and a startling reappraisal of the nuclear threat that refuses to go away. |
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... deployed in 1990, and to the lowest levels since 1969. In 1995, a new administration had been in office for two years, that of William Jefferson Clinton, which was openly committed not only to reversing the “vertical” proliferation of ...
... deployed in 1990, and to the lowest levels since 1969. In 1995, a new administration had been in office for two years, that of William Jefferson Clinton, which was openly committed not only to reversing the “vertical” proliferation of ...
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... deployments and as few as possible on one's own. In addition, the U.S. negotiating posture was almost always based on the assumption that the Soviets would not restrict their own nuclear weapon programs without first being confronted ...
... deployments and as few as possible on one's own. In addition, the U.S. negotiating posture was almost always based on the assumption that the Soviets would not restrict their own nuclear weapon programs without first being confronted ...
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... deployed on attack submarines and surface ships. F-4 Phantom attack planes in the Marine Ground Task Force that were not certified for delivering nuclear weapons would be replaced by F-18 Hornets that were. Nonnuclear 105 mm howitzers ...
... deployed on attack submarines and surface ships. F-4 Phantom attack planes in the Marine Ground Task Force that were not certified for delivering nuclear weapons would be replaced by F-18 Hornets that were. Nonnuclear 105 mm howitzers ...
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... believed that the numbers should be left where they were until an agreement reducing the number of deployed nuclear weapons could be implemented. The freeze proposal had two major advantages that made it attractive to the.
... believed that the numbers should be left where they were until an agreement reducing the number of deployed nuclear weapons could be implemented. The freeze proposal had two major advantages that made it attractive to the.
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... deployments, it would have permitted cruise missile development, testing, and production, thereby allowing the ... deployment of its Pershing II and Tomahawk missiles in Europe, which the Soviets considered “strategic” because they could ...
... deployments, it would have permitted cruise missile development, testing, and production, thereby allowing the ... deployment of its Pershing II and Tomahawk missiles in Europe, which the Soviets considered “strategic” because they could ...
Table des matières
The Reagan AboutFace | |
Bush and START I | |
Clinton START II and the ABM Treaty | |
Clinton and Counterproliferation | |
Autres éditions - Tout afficher
Return to Armageddon: The United States and the Nuclear Arms Race, 1981-1999 Ronald E. Powaski Aucun aperçu disponible - 2003 |
Expressions et termes fréquents
Able Archer 83 ABM Treaty addition administration’s agreed agreement ALCMS American announced argued Arms Control Today attack ballistic missile defense billion bombers Bush administration Bush’s capability China Clinton administration Congress congressional Control Today 22 cruise missiles CTBT defense system deployed deployment deterrent dismantlement Dunbar Lockwood eliminate fissile material Gorbachev hard-liners Ibid ICBMS India INF Treaty Initiative interceptors Iran Iraq Kazakhstan kilometers launch launchers limited military MIRved Moscow MTCR National Security negotiations Nonproliferation nonweapon North Korea nuclear arms race nuclear arsenal nuclear forces nuclear materials nuclear testing nuclear warheads nuclear weapons October Pakistan percent permitted plutonium president president’s proliferation proposal ratified reactors Reagan administration Republican Russian SALT II Senate September Shevardnadze Shultz sides SLBMS Soviet Union space-based START II Strategic Defense Strategic Defense Initiative strategic forces strategic nuclear summit targets THAAD threat TMD systems treaty’s U.S. nuclear Ukraine United verification Yeltsin