Return to Armageddon: The United States and the Nuclear Arms Race, 1981-1999Oxford University Press, 20 févr. 2003 - 320 pages When the Cold War ended, the world let out a collective sigh of relief as the fear of nuclear confrontation between superpowers appeared to vanish overnight. As we approach the new millennium, however, the proliferation of nuclear weapons to ever more belligerent countries and factions raises alarming new concerns about the threat of nuclear war. In Return to Armageddon, Ronald Powaski assesses the dangers that beset us as we enter an increasingly unstable political world. With the START I and II treaties, completed by George Bush in 1991 and 1993 respectively, and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), signed by Bill Clinton in 1996, it seemed as if the nuclear clock had been successfully turned back to a safer hour. But Powaski shows that there is much less reason for optimism than we may like to think. Continued U.S.-Russian cooperation can no longer be assured. To make matters worse, Russia has not ratified the START II Treaty and the U.S. Senate has failed to approve the CTBT. Perhaps even more ominously, the effort to prevent the acquisition of nuclear weapons by nonweapon states is threatened by nuclear tests conducted by India and Pakistan. The nuclear club is growing and its most recent members are increasingly hostile. Indeed, it is becoming ever more difficult to keep track of the expertise and material needed to build nuclear weapons, which almost certainly will find their way into terrorist hands. Accessible, authoritative, and provocative, Return to Armageddon provides both a comprehensive account of the arms control process and a startling reappraisal of the nuclear threat that refuses to go away. |
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... defense appropriations. In the 1940s and 1950s, the armed services competed for the role of America's primary strategic deterrent force. Even though the air force won that contest, the army and navy were placated with nuclear weapon ...
... defense appropriations. In the 1940s and 1950s, the armed services competed for the role of America's primary strategic deterrent force. Even though the air force won that contest, the army and navy were placated with nuclear weapon ...
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... defense spending and only later (if ever), by arms control negotiations ... Strategic Arms Limitations Talks (SALT)—that the news media began to give ... strategy began to break down as a result of its failure in the Vietnam War, Congress ...
... defense spending and only later (if ever), by arms control negotiations ... Strategic Arms Limitations Talks (SALT)—that the news media began to give ... strategy began to break down as a result of its failure in the Vietnam War, Congress ...
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... (Strategic Arms Limitation Talks) II Treaty, which he called a “flawed ... (Strategic Arms Reduction Talks).2 However, Reagan did not believe the Soviets would ... defense from 1982 through 1989, with a projected military budget of nearly ...
... (Strategic Arms Limitation Talks) II Treaty, which he called a “flawed ... (Strategic Arms Reduction Talks).2 However, Reagan did not believe the Soviets would ... defense from 1982 through 1989, with a projected military budget of nearly ...
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... strategic nuclear weapons. Freeze advocates argued that the superpowers had more than enough explosive power in ... defense. With its nuclear buildup threatened, the Reagan administration counterattacked the freeze proposal vigorously ...
... strategic nuclear weapons. Freeze advocates argued that the superpowers had more than enough explosive power in ... defense. With its nuclear buildup threatened, the Reagan administration counterattacked the freeze proposal vigorously ...
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... strategic” because they could reach targets in the Soviet Union. In effect, the Soviets explicitly linked progress ... Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger stated—without authorization—that the United States was going to deploy enhanced ...
... strategic” because they could reach targets in the Soviet Union. In effect, the Soviets explicitly linked progress ... Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger stated—without authorization—that the United States was going to deploy enhanced ...
Table des matières
The Reagan AboutFace | |
Bush and START I | |
Clinton START II and the ABM Treaty | |
Clinton and Counterproliferation | |
Autres éditions - Tout afficher
Return to Armageddon: The United States and the Nuclear Arms Race, 1981-1999 Ronald E. Powaski Aucun aperçu disponible - 2003 |
Expressions et termes fréquents
Able Archer 83 ABM Treaty addition administration’s agreed agreement ALCMS American announced argued Arms Control Today attack ballistic missile defense billion bombers Bush administration Bush’s capability China Clinton administration Congress congressional Control Today 22 cruise missiles CTBT defense system deployed deployment deterrent dismantlement Dunbar Lockwood eliminate fissile material Gorbachev hard-liners Ibid ICBMS India INF Treaty Initiative interceptors Iran Iraq Kazakhstan kilometers launch launchers limited military MIRved Moscow MTCR National Security negotiations Nonproliferation nonweapon North Korea nuclear arms race nuclear arsenal nuclear forces nuclear materials nuclear testing nuclear warheads nuclear weapons October Pakistan percent permitted plutonium president president’s proliferation proposal ratified reactors Reagan administration Republican Russian SALT II Senate September Shevardnadze Shultz sides SLBMS Soviet Union space-based START II Strategic Defense Strategic Defense Initiative strategic forces strategic nuclear summit targets THAAD threat TMD systems treaty’s U.S. nuclear Ukraine United verification Yeltsin