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burgh (we all agree) a rake and a young divine of any fpirit are fynonimous terms. In Aberdeen they are rather mean and illiterate than profligate:schoolmasters almost all of them, who come to town juft to deliver a difcourfe in the Hall, and to have another prefcribed them against the next winter; are prefent at not above three or four of the profeffor's prelections, and have no other poffible benefit from their attendance than the privilege of borrow ing a book now and then from the library. Do you wonder that no young men of fortune and education choofe to fit themselves for the church? The reafons are many and evident. The temporal emoluments they can expect will not repay the expence of a liberal education: they have no better chance for a good benefice than the fillieft and moft ignorant. They are even afhamed of being numbered in fuch a fociety as we generally are! And very many, who ftill retain the generous fentiments of youth, reject with difdain the condition on which they must hold an ecclefiaftical office.

As the general tafte for agriculture hath introduced a greater familiarity between them and the FARMERS, the latter begin too vifibly to imbibe fomewhat of their loofe principles, or to imitate their irreligious behaviour. Now, while I recollect, I am astonished at the progrefs feveral of them have made towards infidelity! The pestilent writings of Tindal, Collins, and Voltaire are frequently to be feen in their hands. With regard to Sunday, they behave as cavalierly as the gentry: and if you challenge them on the point, they will either find fault with the abfurdity of the minifter's doctrine; or infift that they are under no religious obligation to attend divine worship; or that they can pafs their time as profitably at their own houses.

The COMMONALTY have ftill a face of religion; regularly attend the church, and exprefs great concern about their higher interests. But many of them are most unhappy bigots: much more anxious and earneft to pry into the myfteries and fpeculative doctrines of Christianity than to regulate their practice by its precepts. To inculcate the moral duties of life is what they call legal preaching. No difcourfe is acceptable to them unless it treats of fome mystical point, and frequently repeats the name of Jefus. When their own minifter doth not comply with this humour, they ramble away to fome feceding meeting, where they are certain of meeting with entertainment exactly to their tafte-rant, railing, and nonfenfe!

After what I have faid of the character and practice of the clergy, you will not be furprifed that the GENTLEMEN in this part of the country are very lukewarm and indifferent with regard to religion. Some of them are known to be infidels; others (if they be men of fenfe) feem to look upon the external profeffion of Chriftianity as unneceffary, provided they keep to the effential part of natural religion: and others are fo little improved with what they hear at church, or perhaps When I review the reprefentation fo much difgufted with it, that they which I have drawn up, it really octhink themselves abundantly juftified curs to me that even you will look on in ftaying at home: a mean opinion it as a mere caricature. I confess it is of the teachers of religion hath pro- a dark picture! and many people, perduced a coldness and difregard to the haps, would obferve upon it, that I thing itfelf. If the perfons I am had dipped my pencil in gall, and that fpeaking of preferve a decent refpe&tall looks yellow to the jaundiced for it, they often declare that it is only from political confiderations. That part of their time which ought to be devoted to God is univerfally appropriated to vifiting and amufeinent: and the minifter who lives in their neighbourhood, and fecs all this, must fuffer it to pafs uncenfured and unobferved.

eye:" and that I have fhewn only the difagreeable fide of things. It may be fo; but then I myself am deceived: for I affure you I have affirmed nothing but what hath long been my fettled perfuafion: nay, it is what most men of fenfe of my acquaintance agree with me in. The facts are notorious

and

and matter of every day's experience, What reflections to make upon them I know not: I leave it to your fuperior capacity; and beg in return to have your fentiments on the part which every honeft man ought to act in fuch alarming circumstances. What pleafure or improvement can be expected in a community where our mouths are ftopped, our hands tied up, and the

greatest part of our affociates fo little
agreeable? What profpect of a refor-
mation when perhaps a majority of
the inferior clergy would oppofe it,
from motives of confcience; and thofe
who fee the neceffity of it have neither
power nor courage to attempt it?
I am, Rev. Sir,

Your's, moft refpectfully,

N.

LIFE OF ARCHBISHOP CHICHELE, FOUNDER OF ALL-SOULS COLLEGE, OXFORD. TENRY CHICHELE was born. In all probability, he did not refide about the year 1362, at Higham at Oxford long after this event, as in Ferrers, a place which had been the 1392, he was prefented to a living in refidence of his ancestors for more than the diocefe of St. Afaph. In 1396 he two generations. Thomas, his father, became rector of St. Stephen, Walwho was at least the fecond in descent brook, on the prefentation of the Abafter their fettlement in that town, bot and Convent of St. John of Colmarried Agnes, a gentleman's daugh- chefter; and was admitted an advocate ter of the Pyncheon family. The if in the Court of Arches. His rectory fue of this alliance was three fons, Ro- he refigned the following year, and as bert, William, and Henry, whofe life we the archdeaconry of Dorfet was conare now going to prefent to our reader. ferred on him about this time, it feems Two of these brothers, who were that he was already engaged in the fergrocers, raifed themfelves to offices of vice of his great patron, Richard Metthe highest truft and dignity, in Lon- ford, Bishop of Salisbury. don, by their induftry. Robert was twice chofen mayor, and William bore the office of fheriff, and obtained the rank of alderman.

Henry, however, did not follow trade, but was fent to the grammarfchool at Winchefter, erected as a nurfery to New-College in Oxford, by Wykeham. From this feminary, by a regular progreffion, he was removed to New-College, where he profecuted the ftudy of the civil and canon law, at that time the most direct road to advancement.

In the fequeftered walks of collegiate life, little can arife to attract the notice of the public. It is recorded, however, that Chichilè, by the bounty of the founder, in 1388, received a dividend of thirteen fhillings and four-pence, as Bachelor of Laws, and that in 1390, an augmented allowance of fixteen-pence a week was granted to him, under a fevere fit of illnefs, during the greater part of his confinement.

During the tumultuous reign of Richard II. Metford had followed the fortunes of the royal party, and fuffered with them in their adverfity. On the recovery of their power, from a canon of Windfor, he was first made Bishop of Chichester, and then of Salifbury; of which cathedral he prefented a canonry to Chichele, who was now Doctor of Laws, and Vicar-general to the bishop, in all spiritual matters,

Preferments now crowded on him; and from his admiffion into the church about 1392, to 1404, he feems to have enjoyed feveral different benefices. Of which Odiham was the last, which he enjoyed from the bounty of his protector Metford.

As this church was in the diocese of Winchefter, we may eafily imagine, that Chichelè would have accounted this the most acceptable of his promoticns, if he could have received inftitution at the hands of the venerable Wykeham.

The Life of Archbishop Chichele, late published, furnished us with materials for this account,

This prelate, however, who had laid the foundations of Chichele's fortunes, was now no more; and the death of the Bishop of Salisbury in 1407, was a feverer trial to his feelings, as he had long lived with him in the most familiar habits of friendly in tercourse. As a token of his latest regard, the bishop bequeathed him a golden goblet, with a cover, and appointed him his principal executor.

His mind was too firm to fink under thefe fhocks, how largely foever he facrificed to the calls of friendship on thefe melancholy occafions; and his abilities had acquired too fecure a reputation to render adventitious fupports neceffary. He had been reprefented to his fovereign as a man of a verfatile and comprehenfive genius, corrected by a found and difcerning judgement. Henry, therefore, in one year, employed him in embaffies to Pope Innocent VII. and to the court of France. In the course of the year, in which the Bishop of Salisbury died, he was likewife honoured with the public character of ambassador to Gregory XII. a pontiff of whom the Itahan writers have recorded, that the fingle article of fugar, in the expences of his household, amounted to more than the food and raiment of several of his predeceffors.

The Pope was fo much pleafed with his conduct, in this embafly to Sienna, where the pontiff then held his court, that in a very few weeks after his arrival, on the death of Guy de Mona, Bishop of St. David's, Gregory prefented him with the vacant fee.

It was fome time, however, before the negociations, in which he was employed, permitted him to go through all the ceremonies that concur to the completion of the epifcopal character. He was fummoned to a fynod, by Archbishop Arundel, before he was enthroned.

This fynod was convened, in order to deliberate upon the choice of proper perfons to reprefent the English nation, at the council of Pifa; a council that was convened to fettle a fchifm that had divided the Roman church, and difgraced the Apoftolic chair, for more

than thirty years, by the double claims of pretenders. So that Gregory had been raised to the pontificate, on condition of refigning, if his competitor Benedict fhould be judged to have the clearer title to it, by the Christian church.

Chichelè was unanimously appointed to attend this council, with the Bifhop of Salisbury and the Prior of Canterbury, and every beneficed clergyman was taxed four-pence in the pound for all his ecclefiaftical poffeffions, in order to defray the expences of the journey. The event was, that neither Gregory nor Benedict met with the approbation of the cardinals. They elected the Archbishop of Milan, who, on his ac ceffion to the papal throne, took upon him the name of Alexander the Fifth.

Soon after the inauguration of the new pope, Chichelè returned to England, and for several months refided at St. David's, and applied himself to the discharge of his paftoral cares, with a moft confcientious diligence.

In 1410, he was again fent to France, to negociate a renewal of the truce between the two kingdoms. Sir John Cheyne, Cattryck, and Lord Beaumont accompanied him, and in a fhort time their negociation was happily effected. The jealoufies of borderers, however, rendered a commiffion with fresh powers neceffary in the following year. This bufinefs was likewife adjufted, and then Chichelè revifited his diocefe, and was enthroned, on May 11, with the ufual ceremonies.

Henry IV. clofed his turbulent reign in 1413. He had wrefted the fceptre by violence from the hand of the rightful poffeffor, and maintained it in a hard and doubtful ftruggle. His enemies were formidable, and their open revolt, and hoftile defiance, fubfided only in the fufpicious ftillness of fuppreffed refentment and covered treafons.

The church, perhaps, by the death of this prince, loft a powerful protec tor. His heir, Henry of Monmouth, did not, however, abridge the autho rity of ecclefiaftics. In Chichelè he placed particular confidence, and employed him, with the Bishop of Exeter, to determine a caufe between the

city of Bayonne and one Peter de Conties.

His frequent public charges may be confidered as a certain proof of his ability in the management of political objects. He was foon engaged again in the fervice of his country, and with Lord Zonch, the Earl of Warwick, and others, he was fent to France, to renew a treaty which had fubfitted, with feveral interruptions, from the reign of Richard the Second, and to conclade an alliance of perpetual peace, with the Duke of Burgundy.

The former of thefe was only effected, and a trace was ratified for eight months, at Lenlingham, a frontier town, and the ufual place of conference. We may infer, from the frequent renewals of this truce, that the infraction of treaties was very common in thefe ages. The poffeflions of the English on the ancient territories of France were fubmitted to with impatience, and maintained with captious exactnefs, which administered perpetual caufes of contention..

Not long after this negociation, Chichele was tranflated to the fee of CanTerbary, which was vacant by the death of Arundel. The prior, and monks of that church were unanimous in their election, and on his declining to accept of thefe honours till the Pope had cancelled the bonds by which he was united to the church of St. David's, an application was made by the brotherhood to the Pope, which the crown ftrongly feconded.

The court of Rome is always fruitful in expedients. To preferve the honour of the apoftolic fee, and to confult its interefts, required no fmall fhare of addrefs. The old papal clain of providing to vacancies in the church could not well be waved, and it was not fafe to offend the English monarch, by an obftinate oppofition to his wishes. A middle plan was adopted. The "pontiff infifted on his right of provifion, but took care, at the fame time, that his choice fhould not be different from that of the petitioners.

On the 13th of May, 1414, he was put in full poffeflion of his temporalities by the King, at Leicester, very foon after he had received the pall from the Bishop of Winchester, profeffed obedience to the Pope, in the cuftomary forms, and been invefted with the fpiritualities.

Chichele now began to move in an higher and more enlarged fphere. He was peculiarly bound to protect a numerous body of clergy, and to fupport the eftablished religion. He entered upon his charge at a moft critical juncture. During the last two reigns, Wickliff had made great ftrides towards weakening the authority of the church. The facerdotal function began to be viewed with lefs refpect, and their revenues to be reckoned the produce of exorbitant exactions. The Commons aflembled in parliament had even prefented a bill for converting the temporal poffeffions of the church to the relief of national neceffities*. The factious pride and deep refentments of the two powerful houfes of Orleans and Burgundy were privately fomented by Henry of England, whofe friendship they alternately follicited. The two dukes, indeed, in 1412, according to the fimple manners of the age, rode through Auxerre, mounted on one horfe, which gave hopes of a reconciliation. But thefe hopes were delufive. Paroxifms of infanity rendered Charles VI. unable to govern his realms, or appeafe thefe tumults; fo that France was torn by contending -factions, while Henry politically abetted thefe diffenfions, as he foon forefaw that it muft eventually tend to the advantage of his dominions.

Such was the fituation of affairs, and fuch was the temper of the people, when Chichelè was tranflated to the metropolitan fee. The parliament, convened at Leicester, revived the old attack upon the temporalities of the church. Ambaffadors from the French court had arrived with demands, that amounted to little lefs than an open declaration of hoftilities. Every propofal

* As the ancient provifion for a priest was computed at an annual ftipend of feven marks, the clergy appeared by this estimate to have an yearly income of 322, co marks. This form it was alleaked, would maintain 15 earl, içce knights, 6000 ciquires, zoo almihoufer, and leave 20,000 -mails for the contingent expenses of the crown,

pofal that could produce a fupply became an object worthy attention. The meafure, therefore, fuggefted by the Commons was confidered by the King as equally convenient and practicable.

The clergy were all alarmed. Frequent confultations were held, and at laft, to fave the whole, they determined to make voluntary ceffion of part of their poffeffions.

Chichele was fixed upon to lay this offer before the King and Parliament. His fpeech was replete with eloquence.

The old chronicles falfely attribute the King's determination of carrying his arms to the influence of this harangue. The refolution was taken before the Archbishop's oration was spoken.

The chronicles inform us, though they indeed are of doubtful authority, that the Earl of Warwick afferted that the war ought to begin in Scotland: an opinion which the Duke of Exeter oppofed; who was one of the few nobiemen, at that time, who had acquired a tafte for letters in the academies of Italy.

The alien priories faved the revenues of the English clergy. They were invefted in the King by parliament; and Chichele confirmed, in convocation, an order of the council, which prohibited the promotion of foreigners to fpiritual dignities or benefices, before they had given fecurity that they would neither divulge the fecrets of government, nor abet the defigns of the enemy. At the fame time he abolithed all papal immunities and exemptions.

In the fpring of 1415, the determinations of the French were inequivocal; and, during the fovereign's abfence, Chichele, who held the higheft rank in the council, was appointed to the administration of the realm, with powers to mufter all the clergy throughout his diocefe, for the defence of the kingdom, as the country, by levies for a continental war, was greatly depopulated,

Two hundred lances and four hundred archers were affigned for the guard of the east and weft marches towards Scotland; one hundred lances and two hundred archers for that of Wales, and

for the fea-coaft in general, one hundred and fifty lances, three hundred archers, and double thipping.

When the internal defence of the kingdom was thus arranged, King Henry V. embarked for France; but made his will before his departure, in which Chichele was affectionately remembered, in the bequel of a robe of crimfon embroidered velvet. He was alfo appointed by the King to give the ambaffadors a peremptory anfwer, which was quickly followed by the appearance of the English army, before Harfleur.

To defcribe the battle of Agincourt is unneceffary. We cannot, however, forbear relating that a duke received a mark a day; an carl half a mark; a ba ron four thillings; an efquire two; a phyfician only one, which was the wages of a man at arms. No favour able argument of fcience and philofophy in the reign of this great monarch.

On the King's return to London, in November, the archbishop performed mafs at the great altar of St. Paul's, and the houfes of convocation decreed two tenths to be paid, within two years, towards the fupport of the war; and commanded the religious obfervance of the anniverfaries of St. David, St. Winifred, St. Chad, and St. George, and in the fummer of 1416 he published a conftitution for the repreflion of herefies.

About this period the Emperor Sigifmund vifited England, with the French Ambaffadors, to endeavour to affect a peace; but the fiege of Harfieur interrupted the negociation. The Duke of Bedford was difpatched to fuccour the befieged. The King accompanied the Emperor to Calais, whither Chichele followed, and was foon after employed on the old unpromifing bufinefs of peace, when he accomplished the fecondary object of a four months truce by land, in Picardy and Flanders, and by fea from Morocco to Norway.

Late in November, Chichelè arrived in the King's train at London, and, in an affembly of the clergy, obtained a grant of two tenths for the profecution of the war, and fettled the annual fearts of St. Crifpin, and St. John of Beverly,

At

This faint was believed to have taken an uncommon intereft in the toils of the combatants, at Agincourt, as his tomb was obferved by fome pious pilgrims, to diftil large drops of oil during that bloody conflict.

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