old enemy, Tiernan O'Rourke, and replying contemptuously to Roderick of Connaught's protest, that monarch executed Dermot's son, who had been given as an hostage.

By this time Ireland was awake to what was being done, and according to Giraldus, a council of Irish Clergy was held at Armagh, which sought to propitiate the English by decreeing the emancipation of English slaves.

And not the Irish only were aroused, but king Henry also, and fearing that Earl Richard aimed at the throne of all Ireland, he began to raise supplies for a royal invasion, and issued an edict, commanding that no more ships should sail for Ireland, and that on pain of outlawry, all the invaders should return before Eastertide of 1171. This edict was issued shortly before the martyrdom of Thomas á Becket, and Henry being probably in one of his dark moods, was not to be trifled with. Earl Richard therefore sent Reymund to the king, to place in his hands all his Irish conquests. However, in the uproar following on Thomas' death, Ireland became of less moment, and the only important event of the winter of 1170-1171, was that Dermot Mac Morrough died. To understand the feeling with which this Dermot, surnamed "na Gael," that is, "of the strangers," was regarded in Ireland, it will be worth while to read the notice of his death in the Annals of the Four Masters, which cannot, however, as it seems to me, be considered as con temporary-Dermot Mac Morrough, king of Leinster, by whom all Ireland was made a trembling sod, after having brought over the Saxons, after having worked endless woe to the Irish, after pillaging and burning countless churches, died before the end of a year of a horrible and unknown disease; for he became putrid while yet living through the miracle of God, of Colum-Kille, of Finnen, and the other saints of Ireland, whose shrines he had profaned and wasted with fire; and he died at Fearnamore without a will, without penance, without the body of Christ, and without unction, even as his evil deeds deserved.

Now that Dermot was dead, the Earl no doubt expected the Irish chiefs to come and promise allegiance, but the only ones to do

so were Donnell Kavanagh, Dermot's bastard son, Moriarty of Kinselagh and one or two others.

The exact course of events during the year 1171, is not quite clear, but it is certain that Dublin was twice besieged; the first time probably by king Roderick, and the kings of Ulster and Munster, with 60,000 men. Earl Richard in a sore strait, sent far and wide for help, and Robert Fitz Stephen so generously weakened his Wexford garrison in response to the appeal, that the Wexford men rose and succeeded in taking him prisoner. Meanwhile, in Dublin, after two month's siege, their were only 13 days provisions, and a Council was therefore held, at which the fiery Miles de Cogan advised a sally. His advice was taken, he himself headed the charge, the battle-cry being "St. David." Roderick's army was attacked and routed with immense slaughter, and the armies of the other kings melted away. The Earl, or Miles de Cogan, or both, marched off at once to release Robert Fitz-Stephen and his companions. But the Irish, who had burnt Wexford, and retreated to an island, threatened to murder their prisoners at the first sign of an attack. The rescue was, therefore, not attempted, and the Earl went to Waterford, where he found Harvey de Mountmaurice who advised him to go over at once to king Henry. Leinster was now subjugated, and there was no reason for delay, so the Earl, after granting, or rather confirming the plains of Leinster to Donnell Kavanagh, and the district of Kinselagh to Moriarty, sailed away to England, while Miles Cogan appears to have returned to command the garrison of Dublin. Probably it was not long before he had to withstand another siege, and this time the besiegers were not unarmed Irish and undisciplined Kernes, but Norsemen and Vikings, to the number of 10,000, collected from the Scottish Isles, from Man and from Norway itself, by Hasculf MacTurkill, the former lord of Dublin, and led also by a certain John Dean or John Woode, who appears to have been a northern warrior of renown. Leaving his brother Richard on the town walls to resist the assault, Miles de Cogan sallied forth against the enemy, and completely routed them, killing with his own hand the fierce

John Wood, who had smitten off an Englishman's leg at one blow before he met his death.

So by sheer hard fighting the English held Dublin, and another attack led by Tiernan O'Rourke, was repulsed with great slaughter.

The scene changes now from Ireland to the Court of Henry, where Earl Richard found himself confronted by the men of Wexford, who had in some way learnt that Robert Fitz-Stephen was in ill-favour with Henry, and had come over to complain of his misdeeds, and to offer to deliver him into the King's hands. Henry was delighted, for while their request gave him the opportunity of posing as the friend and protector of the Irish, he could also claim that the embassy was an acknowledgment of his overlordship. Accordingly, he made fair promises to the Wexfordians, saying that he would himself punish Robert Fitz-Stephen before them all; but at the same time he favourably accepted Earl Richard's submission, and made great preparations for invading Ireland himself. But his Majesty's expedition was to be no irregular display of adventurous knight-errantry, the whole country was laid under contribution. Staffordshire sent 100 hogs and three handmills, Randulf de Lench, Sheriff of Worcestershire, renders his account for 400 seams of wheat, 400 hogs, three handmills, pay for two masters and 31 seamen, and canvas and ship's apparel; and so throughout the whole country. Then in October, 1171, Henry attended by Earl Richard, by William Fitz-Aldelm, Humfrey de Bohun, and Hugh de Lacy, sailed from Milford Haven, with an army of 400 knights and 4,000 soldiers, and on the 18th of October landed at Waterford.

As soon as they landed, Earl Richard on Leinster ground, did homage for his territory, and was formally invested with the kingdom of Leinster. Then what must surely have been a solemn farce was enacted, and the men of Wexford brought Robert Fitz-Stephen before the king, who solemnly reproved him for his misdemeanours, and according to Giraldus, relegated him to prison, but Regan says that all the Lords, English, Norman, and Fleming, became sureties for his good behaviour, and at any rate he was soon afterward

restored to the governship of Wexford.

One after another the Irish princes came in to offer their submission, as Henry's arrival became known; the kings of Desmond and Thomond recognised his authority, Cork and Limerick were given into his hand, the princes of South Ireland, of Leinster and Oriel, and at last, even Roderick of Connaught, tendered their allegiance, and when at Christmastide, Henry feasted his new subjects in state at his Court, holden at Dublin, he could boast that all Ireland except Ulster alone, had acknowledged him as overlord.

On the first invaders Henry kept a tight rein. A new comer, Robert Fitz-Barnard, was placed in command at Waterford, Miles Fitz-Stephen and Miles Fitz-David, were kept under some sort of surveillance; Hugh de Lacey replaced the brave Miles de Cogan as governor of Dublin; while Ulster was granted as an earldom to John de Courey, a new arriver, if he could conquer it. Winter storms detained Henry sorely against his will, until Mid Lent, 1172, but the remainder of his stay was in no way eventful, except perhaps for the fact that an Irish synod was held at Cashel, at which the Abbot of Buildwas, and the Archdeacon of Llandaff, represented the king.

At Christmastide then, with Henry keeping Court at Dublin, surrounded by the princes of Ireland, I may fittingly close this account of the invasion; henceforward, in English eyes, the struggle was to subjugate rebels, rather than to wage war against enemies, and although the conquest had scarcely begun, the Invasion of Ireland was already a thing of the past.

THE practical end of the study of the history and the life of Cities is to ascertain what are their social, moral, and political functions, that we may learn what the Government of a City can do for the general welfare, and what are the duties of individuals which can facilitate, and what the faults which can retard, the realization of the possible good. Dr. Vaughan says of the Greek Cities, that in them "we see the nearest approach made in the ancient world towards an equal diffusion of human intelligence and of human rights:" and Grote points to the attempt to impose upon men such restraints either of law or of opinion as are requisite for the security and comfort of society, but to encourage rather than repress the free play of individual impulse subject to those limits, as an ideal more cared for in Athens than in any modern society. But we shall not find that in the study of any department of history, any more than in the pursuit of other sciences we can arrive at trustworthy conclusions by restricting our enquiries and examinations to any particular period or any one set of circumstances. The future possibilities of institutions are governed not by the desires or the knowledge of the present, but by the inherited power, customs and traditions of the past. We are to look for future progress not to intermittent acts of creative skill, but to natural and orderly growth. The conditions which have governed past development must be understood before we can make anything like a practical scientific prediction of what we can rationally expect or hopefully strive for hereafter.