But though christianity be a system purely moral and religious-though it be not marked with the characters of human policy, nor dependent on it; we are not to conclude that it bears no relation to civil government, or is unconcerned in the laws by which it is regulated. This would be a conclusion, rash, unwarranted, and dangerous. It would at once remove the strongest barrier, which ever hath been, or ever can be, opposed to the passions of men.

We shall, therefore, enquire how far, and in what manner the kingdom of Christ is, or ought to be connected with the kingdoms of the world; or in other words, how far, and in what manner religion and politics are related.

In this enquiry, the kingdom of Jesus is to be considered as a system of pure and universal morality, enforced from religious considerations. That this system hath man as its object, and in all its parts, tends to his improvement and happiness, will not be denied in this place. We may add too, that it respects him in every relation in which he may be placed, as this is necessarily implied in the idea of universal morality.

This morality, which is the great object of religion, and ought to be the basis of all government, is in itself unchangeable; and, under whatever form it hath been exhibited, or motives enforced, in the different stages of civilization, is intrinsically the same.

Should

Should this remark be thought to require any illustration, revelation amply supplies it. We can hardly conceive of any systems more widely different, in many particulars, than the two which form its principal contents. The one is calculated for a particular people, proposes to keep them distinct from all the nations of the earth, is loaded with rites and ceremonies, and confines its prospects to the present life. The other presents itself to all mankind, proposes to abolish distinctions in respect to religious privileges, and unite the whole in one great family; is divested of the artificial aid of ritual observance, and brings forward all the treasures of immortality to enrich its votaries, and its horrors to appal the spirit of iniquity. Yet with all this difference of circumstance and motive, the mo"Thou rality of both is exactly the same.

shalt love the Lord thy God, with all thy heart, with all thy soul, with all thy strength, and with all thy mind, and thy neighbour as thyself."

As these general precepts comprehend the sum of human duty, they express the principles by which it should be regulated, and are the great objects of both systems.

In the latter of these precepts, it is taken for granted, that men are uniformly ended with the principle of self-love, in a degree sufficient to impel them to the pursuit of happiness. And as this principle is the standard, by which the

love of others is to be regulated, the least which can be inferred is, that those, who acknowledge the authority of the precepts, should so far cherish the benevolent affections, as is necessary to engage them in promoting and securing the happiness of others. With this inference the descriptions of the love enjoined in the gospel, and the effects which it ought to produce, are perfectly conformable. It restrains from injury, disdains the narrow limits of religious or political associations and rises superior to enmity and nsult. "Love worketh no ill to his neighbour; suffereth long and is kind; envieth not; rejoiceth not in iniquity, but rejoiceth in the truth." Nor are the claims of christianity satisfied by that indolent complacency which expresseth itself, only in unavailing wishes of prosperity, or fair professions of good-will. The Jove which it enjoins must press forward into action; set opposition and dangers at defiance; and, if the public good requires, bravely encounter death itself. "Let us not love in word, nor in tongue, saith the apostle, but in deed and in truth." "To do good, and to communicate, forget not; for with such sacrifices God is well pleased." And saith Jesus, "This is my commandment, that ye love one another, even as I have loved you." "Love

b

* Rom. 13, 10. 1 Cor. 13. 4, 6.

your

↑ John, 3, 10.

Heb. 13, 16.

your enemies, bless them who curse you, do good to them who hate you, and pray for them who despitefully use you."

From these expressions we perceive that, as christianity inculcates the generous affections, the happiness of man is the great end which it proposes, to which it directs his activity, and to the promotion of which it, lends its solemn sanctions. And the more any relation in life affects this happiness, the more important it becomes, and the more immediate object of religious inspection and religious influence.

Among these relations, various and interesting as they are, that which binds an individual to the state of which he is a member, is the most important. In it the influence of one may occupy a wide extended circuit, and materially affect the security and happiness of many. Nay! the instances are not infrequent of kingdoms rescued from the very brink of destruction, by the wisdom or prowess of an individual; while on the other hand, we have seen empires hurled from the summit of prosperity into the gulph of confusion, and all their proud trophies buried in ruins, at the feet of one ambitious mortal. On it the duties of subordinate relations depend for protection, and, from their tendency to raise men to the exalted character of citizens, much of their importance is derived. This too must

ever

ever vary with the extent of a state, as duties and ranks multiply in proportion to its increase.

However all this variety of rank is comprehended in the general division of men into magistrate and subject, the former of whom is entrus ted with the execution of laws, which the latter have sanctioned with their approbation, and to -which they are amenable. The laws which res pect this arrangement, and mark the reciprocal duties, of which it lays the foundation, have re ceived the name of politics, and constitute a most interesting branch of morality, considered as a science.

In the first stages of society, and in small states, subordinate distinctions are few. Hence their internal politics are simple, and comprised in small bounds. A moderate share of prudencė and sagacity, connected with personal courage, a sense of justice, and patience of hardship, are sufficient for all the purposes of counsel or war. In ordinary circumstances, old age, which is the repository of knowledge, and in which experience hath rescued the understanding from the influence of the more turbulent passions, holds the seat of executive justice; and when external - dangers threaten, or counsels of war prevail, he, whose bravery and patience have been formerly proved is called forth to command, and the most implicit respect is paid to his authority. But as