which gave rise to Mr. Cuming's notice. That case, I own, was new and unprecedented; nor have I any doubt but the subject will yet appear more melancholy than it has hitherto done: and my prayer to god is not only, that such a case may never more present itself, but that an individual may never be born, of the race of men, unguarded enough to hazard such a notice on such a case, should it unfortunately recur.

Of this case, melancholy as it was, and more melancholy as it was attempted to be made, my feelings induce me to add something more. Previous to Mr. Cuming's notice, a motion was made, in synod, that the widow of a member who fell a victim to the public justice of 1798a woman of most excellent character, and a numerous family of amiable children, should be excluded from the benefits of the widow's fund, on account of the husband's and father's political offences. This motion was supported by the FEW with great zeal. One rev. gentleman, notorious for humility, conciliating manners, and soundness in the faith, when every other argument was borne down by justice and common-sense, pleaded in favor of her exclusion, the disgrace of having the widow of a rebel in the list of annuitants with the relicts of loyal, faithful, and pious men. However, the motion did not pass. Hence, Mr. Cuming's sweeping

sweeping notice was brought forward, which on the following year he was pleased to withdraw.

That the synod, thus far, proceeded on principles truly loyal, or to avoid and counteract suspicions of disloyalty, shall be taken for granted, as no immediate interference, or influence, of men in power was openly avowed. However, from this period, policy and interest seem to have joined with loyalty to render it triumphant over the artifices of seduction, and delusions of a "sophistical philosophy, which threaten alike, the temporal, and eternal interests of mankind." God grant that the triumph may be complete, as the victory must be equally honorable, and beneficial to the hu

man race.

It will be remembered that on the restoration of the country to something like tranquillity after the partial insurrection into which it had been, somehow, seduced or provoked in 1798, the business of union was taken up, and zealously prosecuted. To its success the insurrection, as originally intended, was a favorable prelude. The terror of the succeeding times was equally in its favor. But, as the measure was very unpalatable to the Irish people, that terror could not be safely depended on. Hence, to procure a silent acquiescence, during the discus

sion, the people were to be treated, not only with prospects of forgiveness for the past; but favor and liberality in all time to come. The catholics, the great mass of the Irish people, are very much attached to their clergy. They look upon them as almost their only source of - comfort, under their multiplied grievances, for ages, in this country. They must, therefore, be supposed happy in the prospect of their independence, and more so, in that of their wealth. This, the then governors of Ireland perceived, and proposed a provision for the clergy, on condition of their silence and other terms, some of which are yet undefined, and others never denied. Those proposals came in a form so flattering, and were sanctioned by an authority so high, that, if we can credit report, the catholic clergy were nearly deluded into a snare in which they would have been suspended in infamy, for ever, and their bishops seduced to the brink of a precipice, over which, if they had fallen, they would have fallen unpitied. However, they saw their danger ere it was too late. They recoiled, and now stand on an eminence so high, and solidly founded, that they must be looked up to, with a mixture of shame, admiration, and envy.

On the same principles, and with similar inducements, the presbyterians in Ulster, the second people in the THEN kingdom, were assailed, through the rev. Robert Black, their

agent

agent for royal bounties. From this office, he must be supposed to have some intercourse with the Irish servants of the crown. When that intercourse became confidential, I shall not presume to say; but that it was confidential, and that it referred to forgiveness of injuries, real or supposed to granting or procuring future conciliation, and the extensions of bounty, on terms, is evident from Mr. Black's words, to the synod, in 1780. These words are as follow: "Mr. Black informed the synod, that he had waited on lord Castlereagh, BY DESIRE, when he was informed by his lordship, that it was the intention of his majesty's ministers to make a provision for the dissenting clergy, in terms different from those on which the present R. D. was paid to them, and that his lordship had expressed a desire that the synod would appoint one or more of their number to confer with government on this subject. Mr. Black farther stated that as an individual, he was honored with much conversation, relative to the general concerns of the synod, and found the dispositions of government, in his judgment, liberal, conci liatory, and satisfactory."

These are the words of the synod's, minute, upon which, I presume, when the circumstances of the times are considered, comment is unneThe same minute informs us that, cessary. "in consequence of this information, the rev.

John

John Bankhead moderator, Mr. Black and dr. Little were appointed commissioners to communicate with government on this subject."

This commission must have been speedily executed, as the synod met early in October following, to receive the report of the commissioners. What their report was; or rather, what their reports were, does not appear. That they differed, in some important points, is admitted; and, that the mode of distributing the bounty, when augmented, was not approved of by the body, I believe, is equally certain. What peculiar changes may have been proposed during the years 1801 and 1802, I shall not presume to say; but that, which was finally, presented from governmeut, for the adoption of the synod, in 1803, at the fullest meeting, I believe, ever known, was, that the synod should be divided into three classes-that the ministers holding the best endowed and most numerous congregations, sixty two in number, should receive £100 each-that the ministers of the sixty two, next in number and stipend, should receive£75, -and the remaining sixty two £50. In order to prepare for the discussion of this proposal, a census of the numbers and stipend of each congregation was taken, and returned to some officer, I know not whom, by which the proposed classification was regulated. Matters being thus arranged, the measure was discussed, as I have said,