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Cavour desired to have carried out in German Catholics dislike the Jesuits, and, Italy with far more logical boldness than without distinctly rejecting the dogma of it has ever been carried out in England, infallibility, bitterly resent its consewas distinctly submitted to the German quences. But they scarcely dare call their Parliament and rejected. Men of known souls their own, and dread what they may sense, liberality, and courage talked of the have to go through at home or in provinJesuits in language which in England is cial circles if they boldly oppose those scarcely ever heard except from the lips whom the Pope regards as his best friends. of Mr. Newdegate and Mr. Whalley. The But if the State would act and clear all perfect fairness of Constitutional govern- the Jesuits away, what a comfort it would ment was treated as being entirely a mis- be! and if in a German home it was distake, and the example of Belgium was ad- tinctly apprehended that the State had to duced to show that, under cover of what be obeyed or disobeyed, even feminine is called fair play and religious toleration, zeal would recoil from the advocacy of scheming priests and bold clericals may disobedience. But by far the most potent obtain the whole guidance of affairs and have the nation at their feet.

cause of the desire for State action was, we may be sure, the political one. The Several reasons may be suggested why friends of the Jesuits are politically the this should have been the course of opin- enemies of Germany, and find in France ion in the German Parliament. Perhaps a field from which to carry on their atsomething should be attributed to the in- tacks. The Jesuits are of necessity, and experience of a young legislative Assem- on their own principles legitimately, the bly which thinks that whatever it wishes allies and instruments of a foreign foe. can be easily effected, and, in its sublime Regarding the German Empire as the faith in its own decrees, ignores the diffi- greatest barrier in the way of their suc-. culties of practical life. But there can be cess, which it no doubt is, they wish to no doubt that influences prevailed of far help France to break it up. Great allowgreater moment. In the first place, to ance must be made, even by the friends sever Church and State would be to most of religious toleration, for the Germans Germans to embark on an experiment under these circumstances. Ultramontantotally foreign to all their familiar tradi-ism and Communism are in many respects tions aud ideas. The Prussian State is always nagging at a man from the day he is born, if not before, till the day when even bureaucracy admits that, the fact of his death and burial being properly certified, there is no more to be done with him. To leave him alone at the most important crises of his life would seem to German officials something terrible. In Prussia the good man is the man who at every epoch of his tiny history has received exactly the right certificate. The Catholics receive their certificates and the Protestants receive theirs, and the order of the world seems intelligible so long as the latter are regarded as soldiers belonging to a regiment that wears blue facings, and the former are regarded as soldiers belonging to a regiment that wears white facings. But a state of things in which religion was not used as a means of marking off men as if into different regiments would be, in the eyes of the most thoroughly German of Germans, revolutionary and monstrous. Then, again, it is easy to guess from some of the speeches made in the Parliament, that some part of the pressure put on the Government to use sharp measures arises from the fears of that portion of the German Catholic world which is not Ultramontane. Many

very similar, as they both aim at destroying national life and moderate liberty. În a country like England, where neither of them have any real power, we can afford to let them both have their fling within certain bounds; but it would try our temper and our liberal principles very severely if either displayed an irritating activity as the partisan of a foreign and hostile Power. The struggle between Germany and the Papacy is so far a political one that Germany may be justified in having recourse to political means of defending itself. But it is easier to state this in general terms than to see what measures could be adopted that would be efficacious, and yet would not have a tinge of petty and undignified persecution.

From The Pall Mall Gazette. THE GERMANS AND LIBERALISM.

THE reports of the debate in the German Parliament on the expulsion of the Jesuits will naturally be read with the deepest interest all over Europe. The debate sets in the clearest light the intense antagonism which exists between the whole spirit of the German nation as new

ly constituted and the Roman Catholic strengthen, deepen, and extend far and Church. It is an antagonism which goes wide Liberalism in the English sense of to the very foundation of things, and ex- the word, as against Ultramontanism on tends far below the somewhat small and the one hand and what the French would rather technical quarrels which have brok- call the democratic and social Republic en out between the Jesuits and the Ro- on the other hand. Speaking with that man Catholic clergy on the one side and degree of vagueness and neglect of details the German Government on the other. for which only we have room in these colThese and some other occurrences to which umns, it may be said that there are in we need not now refer are amongst the Europe in the present day three great somost interesting results of the great tri- cial and political parties - the Liberal umph of the Germans and the deep humil- party, the clerical party, and the revoluiation of France. They make it plain tionists. Each has curious and deeply enough that, for a time at least proba-seated sympathies with and antipathies to bly for a very much longer time than the each of the others. The Liberals and the present generation can regard with any clerical party are both essentially aristoimmediate personal concern- the centre cratic. This, as regards the Liberals, may of interest in European history and poli- appear a paradox; nevertheless it is pertics has changed, and that a new and all-fectly true. The essence of modern Libimportant element has been added to Eu- eralism is free play for individuals, or ropean politics. Till now, neither Ger- every one for himself. This is essentially many nor Italy has been a nation, and the an aristocratic doctrine. As a fact there rulers by whom parts of those countries are great differences between man and were governed, though in many instances man, and if society is so constituted that more or less constitutional sovereigns, every one is enabled to pursue his own obwere far less closely connected with the jects in his own way, giving to the intergeneral feelings of the nation at large ests of others such a degree of attention as than either the Emperor of Germany or his benevolent instincts or tastes or his the King of Italy. The erection of these sense of his own interest may dictate, there two great Powers into nations governed can be no doubt that the minority of able on the general principles of modern Liber- and energetic people will get the good alism is by far the greatest event of our things of the world and will in one century. It is one of the greatest events way or another form its governing body that has happened in the world for many and direct its course. The ideal of Libercenturies. We are beginning to see the alism, in short, is an aristocracy by natuindistinct outline of a few of the great ef- ral selection. On the other hand, the Libfects which may be expected to follow erals and the revolutionists are both in the from it. They will reach far beyond the present state of society reformers. Each region of politics, in the common sense of is more or less dissatisfied in every part of the word. They will perhaps do less than the world with the established institutions some people are not unnaturally disposed and established creeds of mankind, and to anticipate in the direction of changing they accordingly unite in the effort to alter old boundaries and altering what used to them, though they differ widely as to the be called the balance of power. Of course means by which the alterations should be it would be rash and even absurd to proph-made, and as to the objects to which they esy, but there is certainly much plausi- should be directed. Finally, the clerical bility in the opinion that both Germany and Italy are too strong to be attacked wantonly, even if there were any Power likely to attack them in such a spirit; and that, on the other hand, it is difficult to imagine great Powers with stronger motives for keeping the peace. No one, of course, can presume to say what course may find favour in the eyes of the French, or how the Russian Government may see fit to conduct itself under the variety of contingencies which may be expected to Such being very broadly and vaguely arise. So long, however, as Europe is the nature of the great division of Eurospared from wars of vengeance and race, pean politics, let us consider how it is afit seems likely that the chief effect of the fected by the establishment of two new great victory of Germany may be to 'nations-Germany and Italy. The an

and the revolutionary party may each be described as Socialists. The name has acquired a bad meaning, but its proper and original signification is that society comes first and individuals afterwards; that society is and that self is not the true centre of human thought, energy, and speculation.

As to the antipathies between the three parties they are obvious enough, and do not require specification.

ous.

swer, as we have already said, appears to than it could have had under any other us to be that Liberalism will be immensely circumstances. The Daily Telegraph the reinforced, and clericalism and revolution- other day published a letter from its Prusary socialism discouraged to a correspond- sian correspondent on this subject which ing extent. The reasons of this are obvi- seemed to us to have about it a good deal In old times it was a possible, and of the truth and instructiveness of a clever indeed the common, not to say the univer- exaggeration. It made a great deal among sal course, that nations should be estab- other things of the assertion (which we relished upon clerical principles and grow ceived with considerable doubt) that Gerup under clerical auspices. How far this man boys and youths never play, but only is from being the case, either with regard harden their muscles and expand their to modern Germany or modern Italy, it is chests upon strictly utilitarian principles needless to say. The debate on the Jesuits at scientifically devised gymnastic schools. shows the true state of the case with super- Of course, one takes such a fancy for what abundant clearness. It is impossible to it is worth, but there can be no doubt at read it without seeing the strongest deter- all of the grave, solid, earnest character of mination on the part of the Germans that, the nation; of their thorough and invinciwhatever else they may or may not be, ble determination to get what they want, whether or not they call themselves Roman or of their faith in the efficacy of the means Catholics, they will not be priestridden, by which it can be got. They want money they will be the masters of the clergy, and and money's worth; they want the various not their servants. If, however, a nation arts of life; they want political power and is not to be clerical, it must in these days what belongs to it; and they believe in be essentially and radically liberal. No the possibility of getting what they want nation ever has been, and it is difficult to by education, by organization - in a word, see how any nation ever could be, organ- by taking trouble. This is, we think, the ized on the principles of revclutionary gist of Liberalism. It is a very grave, socialism. A nation of any size must con- rather cold, and exceedingly sturdy creed, tain numerous classes of inhabitants. They and, thanks to Prince Bismarck and what must be engaged upon an infinite variety he represents, it has done a good deal of undertakings, and this vigorous diversi- towards getting its foot on the neck of the fied activity, subject only to rules made by more romantic and softer creeds which common consent, is as essentially unsocial- stand on each side of it. istic as it is essentially unclerical. If a great mass of people are not to be kept together by a common religious faith and subjection to a class connected with the clergy, they must be kept together by trade, by common interest in the administration of common affairs, by all the machinery of modern life and activity, and this is Liberalism. A society can be imagined, no doubt, in which a general organization might be framed so contrived as to secure for every one a rateable proportion of the enjoyments of life, and to prevent any one from getting more; but nothing of the kind has ever been established. If it were, it would do away altogether with nations and national life as we understand them. It is on this ground mainly that it appears to us that the establishment of two great nations, one of them by far the strongest in the whole world, or, at all events, in Europe, is the greatest triumph for Liberalism in the broad sense of the word which has occurred in this or any other generation.

The special character and position of the Prussians, under whose auspices Germany has become a nation, gives the matter far greater weight and importance

From The Leisure Hour.
BEARDS.

"When the piercing north comes thundering forth,
Let a barren face beware;
For a trick it will find, with a razor of wind,
To shave a face that's bare."

FEW fashions have been so capricious as those connected with the hair of men's faces, and if we look back for several ages we shall find that the custom of shaving has continually been introduced and as frequently been discontinued. Alexander the Great before an engagement commanded Parmenio to have all his soldiers shaved, and gave as his reason that a long beard affords a handle for the enemy. We suppose that the old Normans held the same view of the inconvenience of a beard, for they shaved close, and deceived their enemies. Harold's spies reported that William the Conqueror's army was composed not of soldiers but of priests. After the Conquest, however, when the Normans settled in England, they began to wear beards, and, in order to make a distinction

between them, orders were given that the | I. are full of amusing allusions to the varieEnglish should shave.

66

ties of fashions in beards. We learn from them what were the various styles adopted by different wearers, as the French, Spanish, Dutch, and Italian cuts, the new, old, gentleman's, common, court, and country cuts. Stubbs, in his " Anatomie of Abuses," says that the barber will ask "whether you will be cut to look terrible to your enemy or amiable to your friend, grim and stern in countenance, or pleasant and demure." The worthy old clergyman, William Harri

If we look at the portraits of our kings we shall find that each of them adopted a special fashion of his own. Henry I. wore a beard trimmed round, and Richard Coeur de Lion a short beard. Henry III. shaved, but his son, Edward I., wore a curled beard. There is a touching story of Edward II. in his misery which illustrates our subject. When he was at Carnarvon, Maltravers ordered the king to be shaven with dirty cold water, at which he burst in-son, to whom we owe our chief knowledge to tears, and exclaimed, "Here at least is warm water on my cheek, whether you will

or no."

of the state of this country in the sixteenth century, gives the following account of the varieties of beards in his description of England:- "Some are shaven from the chin like those of Turks, not a few cut short like to the beard of the Marques Otto, some made round like a rubbing brush, others with a pique devant, (oh! fine fashion!) or now and then suffered to grow long, the barbers being growen to be so cunning in this behalfe as the tailors. And therefore if a man have a leane and streight face a Marquesse Ottons cut will make it broad and large; if it be platter like, a long slender beard will make it seeme the narrower; if he be wesellbecked, then much heare left on the

like a bowdled hen, and so grim as a goose; if Cornelis of Chelmeresford saies true, manie old men weare no beards at all."

Taylor, the water-poet, gives the following catalogue of the styles worn in his day:

Edward III. wore a noble beard, but Richard the Second's was short. During the fourteenth century, close shaving became prevalent with young men, and the old men wore forked beards, as Chaucer describes the merchant: "A merchant was there with a forked beard." Henry IV. wore a beard, but Henry V., Henry VI., and Edward IV. all shaved. Henry VIII. shaved until he heard that Francis I. of France wore a beard, and then he allowed his to grow. Francis did not approve of all his subjects wearing nature's covering for the face, and he therefore obtained from the Pope a brief by which all ecclesi- cheekes will make the owner looke big astics throughout France were compelled to shave or pay a large sum. Bishops and richly beneficed clergy paid the fine, but the poor priests were forced to comply with the requirements of the law. Some men have been so proud of their beards that they have taken their loss greatly to heart. Duprat, son of the celebrated Chancellor and Cardinal Legate, possessed a very fine beard. He distinguished himself at the Council of Trent, and was soon afterwards appointed to the Bishopric of Clermont. On Easter Sunday he appeared at his cathedral, but to his dismay he found three dignitaries of his chapter waiting to receive him with razor, scissors, and statutes of the church in their hands. He argued without avail, and to save his beard he fled and abandoned his bishopric. A few days afterwards he died of grief. When Philip V. of Spain gave orders for the abolition of beards throughout his kingdom, many a brave Spaniard felt the privation keenly, and said, " Since we have lost our beards we seem to have lost our souls." Sir Thomas More thought of his beard at the time of his execution, and moved it out of the way of the headsman's

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"Some like a spade, some like a fork, some

square,

Some round, some mow'd like stubble, some
stark bare;

Some sharp, stiletto fashion, dagger-like,
That may with whispering a man's eyes out-
pike;

Some with a hammer cut, or Roman T, -
Their beards extravagant, reform'd must be;
Some with the quadrate, some triangle fash-
ion,

Some circular, some oval in translation;
Some perpendicular in longitude;
Some like a thicket for their crassitude:
That heights, depths, breadths, triform,
square, oval, round,

And rules geometrical in beards are found."

We extract a few verses from a ballad on the beard, apparently written in the reign of Charles I.:

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"Now of the beards there be such a company,
And fashions such a throng,

That it is very hard to handle a beard,
Tho' it be never so long.

"The Roman T. in its bravery,

Doth first itself disclose,

But so high it turns, that oft it burns,
With the flames of a torrid nose.

"The stiletto beard, oh! it makes me afeard,
It is so sharp beneath,

For he that doth place a dagger in 's face,
What wears he in his sheath?

"But methinks, I do itch to go thro' stitch

The needle-beard to amend,

How neat 's moustcahios do at a distance

stand,

Lest they disturb his lips or saffron band:
How expert he's; with what attentive care
Doth he in method place each straggling
hair."

Andrew Borde wrote a treatise on beards,
which is lost, and only known to us by an
answer written by one Barnes. The latter
takes up the cause of beards in a very
trenchant style. He asks, "Pray, Andrew,

Which, without any wrong, I may call too did not Adam possess a beard? and if he

long,

For a man can see no end.

"The soldier's beard doth march in shear'd,
In figure like a spade,

With which he'll make his enemies quake,
And think their graves are made.

"The grim stubble eke on the judge's cheek,
Shall not my verse despise;

It is more fit for a nutmeg, but yet
It grates poor prisoners' eyes.

"What doth invest a bishop's breast

But a milk-white spreading hair? Which an emblem may be of integrity, Which doth inhabit there."

did, who shaved him?" and, "Didn't the apostles have beards?" Therefore wo should imitate Samson and thousands of old philosophers who would not be shaved. Matthew Green wrote the following impromptu in answer to a lady who inquired why beards were not worn as in former times:

"To brush the cheeks of ladies fair,

With genuine charms o'erspread, Their sapient beards with mickle care Our wise forefathers fed.

But since our modern ladies take

Such pains to paint their faces,
What havock would such brushes make

All this care of and attention to the perAmong the loves and graces." sonal appearance took up much time, and Fortunately the same reason cannot be many of the religious writers complain of given now, because our ladies do not disthe time wasted in the trimming of figure their faces, but the general introducbeards. The once celebrated Mrs. Elizabeth tion of beards and moustaches a few years Thomas, in describing the habits of her ago met with great opposition at first; and grandfather, who was a Turkey merchant, it is said that in 1851 the parishioners of a says that his valet was some hours every country parish discontinued their attendmorning in starching his beard and curl-ance at church on account of the clergying his whiskers. She adds that a com- man taking to a beard. Now, whether we panion read to him during the time upon go among rich or poor, laymen or clergy, some useful subject. If what Hutton tells us in his "Follie's Anatomie" (1619) was true, the morning's dressing could not have been sufficient to keep the beard in proper trim:

"With what grace, bold, actor-like he speaks, Having his beard precisely cut i' th' peake.

we find beards everywhere, and doubtless the change of fashion has improved the appearance and benefited the health of many, for we can say with the old ballad :

"A well-thatcht face is a comely grace And a shelter from the cold."

ACCORDING to the Sydney Herald, the schooner Surprise has lately made a visit to the coast of New Guinea, penetrating fifteen miles up the Manoa River. Contrary to the general impression, the natives, who were hitherto supposed to be ferocious in their character and opposed to the visits of strangers, were

found to be mild and gentle in disposition. They were of the Malay stock, and had never seen white people before. On the departure of the schooner, under Captain Paget, they exhibited every demonstration of sorrow, the women weeping and the men accompanying the party to a considerable distance.

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