Earl Granville, in a dispatch dated January 13, spoke of the right of asylum which England always had granted, and could never refuse to political refugees; and added that the English government would, nevertheless, consider any intrigues, carried on there against governments with which they were at peace, as a breach of hospitality, and would not fail to watch the conduct of suspected refugees, and to prevent them from abusing the privileges afforded them by English

satisfaction at the tenor of these assurances, but said, that until the words of the English government were followed by deeds, it would be necessary for Austria to take measures of precaution and protection against the dangers which the ceaseless machinations of foreign refugees on English soil created. The Imperial government would be especially rigid in regard to English travelers, and would, moreover, reserve the right of taking into consideration ulterior measures, if, unhappily, the need of them should stiil make itself felt.—A terrible disaster from floods occurred in the north of England on the 5th of Feb

40 shillings. In 67 boroughs additions are proposed | union among its members; and the universal belief to the electoral boundaries; the property qualification is that the new administration will fail to be sustained is to be abolished, and the oaths of members to be put by the country on that question. in such a form as to create no invidious distinctions. One of the earliest topics to which the attention A member taking office under the crown vacates his of the Earl of Granville, Lord Palmerston's immescat; but if he merely changes it, he may retain his diate successor, was called, was the degree of pro representative capacity. The Premier made a speech tection which England should afford to political upon the subject, over an hour in length, and remark-refugees from other countries. In reply to representably free from feeling of any sort. The main objec-ations on this subject from the Austrian Government, tions urged to the bill are that it does not concede the ballot, that it does not remedy the evils of unequal representation, and that the changes it does make in the existing law are of very little importance. Notice has been given of an intention to move amendments to the bill which would remedy these defects.- -On the 19th, Lord Naas proposed a resolution severely censuring the Earl of Clarendon's employment of the World newspaper to support the government, as being "of a nature to weaken the authority of the ex-laws. Prince Schwarzenberg, in reply, expressed ecutive, and to reflect discredit on the administration of public affairs." The Earl was defended warmly by Lords Russell and Palmerston, both of whom urged that, irregular as the proceeding might have been, it was of trifling consequence compared with his lordship's eminent services to the country. The resolution was rejected 229 to 137.—On the 16th, | Lord John Russell introduced a bill for the establishment of a local militia force. He gave a sketch of the recent history of the military organization of England, and set forth the reasons which, in his judgment, rendered it important that some more effectual provision should be made for the defense of the coun-ruary. Several of the factories of the town of Holmtry against possible hostilities. The general provis- frith, near Huddersfield, were supplied with water ions of the bill were that persons of the age of 20 by large reservoirs, in which an immense body of and 21 years should be subject to being balloted for water had been accumulated. Owing to the heavy as militia men-that one-fifth of the whole number rains one of the largest of them broke its banks, and should be chosen-and that they should be drilled for the water poured through the town, sweeping houses 14 or 28 days each year. The entire force thus raised, away in its path and causing an immense loss of life he thought, would be about 70,000 the first year, and property. Over one hundred persons were 100,000 the second, and 130,000 after that; the forces drowned. Very great injury had been sustained by could not be taken out of their own counties, without other towns in that vicinity. In the south of Ireland their consent, except in case of invasion or danger. also, especially in the counties of Limerick and The subject was very slightly discussed at that time, Clare, much property and some lives have been lost but came up again on the 20th, when Lord John Rus- by the swelling of the smaller streams.The dissell again spoke in support of the bill. Lord Pal- patches of Earl Grey recalling Sir Harry Smith from merston expressed his entire concurrence in the prin- the government of the Cape, have been published: ciple of the bill, but moved as an amendment, to strike they show that his incompetence for the post has out the word local from the title, in order to make the been the real cause of his removal, and that the title correspond with the character of the bill itself. policy of the government is to prosecute the war Lord John Russell said he could not understand the with increased vigor, so as to reduce the Kaffirs and object of such a motion, and that he should oppose it. Hottentots to unconditional submission. We menAfter some further debate the amendment was put tioned in our Record for March, the repulse of the and carried, ayes 136, noes 125, showing a majority English slave squadron while attempting to ascend against the Ministry of 11. Lord John Russell ex- the river, to the town of Lagos, on the coast of pressed great surprise at the vote, and said that he Africa, contrary to the commands of the chief. Later should hold office no longer. The resignation of the advices report the renewal of the attempt, and the Ministry under such circumstances created a good overthrow of the chief's authority, though at a very deal of surprise. In the course of three or four days heavy cost on the part of the English. The town of a new cabinet was formed under the leadership of Lagos has long been the stronghold of the slave trade the Earl of Derby-late Lord Stanley-which is on that part of the coast, and the English have directthoroughly Protectionist in its sentiments. The ed their efforts toward the suppression of the traffic Earl is Prime Minister; Mr. Disraeli is Chancellor there. The chief of the town named Kosoko, was of the Exchequer and leader in the House of Com-actively engaged in the trade himself, in connection mons; Mr. G. F. Young is Vice President of the Board of Trade; Duke of Northumberland, first Lord of the Admiralty; Lord John Manners, Commissioner of Woods and Forests; Sir F. Thesiger, Attorney General; Earl of Eglintoun, Lord Lieutenant of Ireand; Duke of Montrose, Lord Steward; Lord Stanley, Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs. It is supposed that the new Ministry will break ground at once against the corn-law policy established by Sir Robert Peel, hostility to which is the only bond of

with Portugese and Brazilian dealers. He had ol tained power by expelling a rival named Akitoye, who sought aid against him in an alliance with the English. When Kosoko, therefore, refused permission to the English to bring their armed boats to Lagos, the commander of the squadron concerted an attack upon the town, with the adherents of the expelled chief. The town was defended with a good deal of ski and bravery, and the assault upon it lasted three days, at the end of which time it was

found to have been deserted. The English lost 16 killed and 64 wounded. It is said that the destruction of this town will do much toward the suppression of the slave trade.A new expedition in search of Sir John Franklin has been resolved upon by the British Government, and Sir Edward Belcher has been appointed to the command. He will leave England about the middle of April, with the four ships which composed Captain Austin's late expedition. His attention will first be directed to Beechey Island, where Sir John is known to have passed the winter of 1845-6. The great object of this new expedition is to examine the upper part of Wellington Strait as far as possible beyond Captain Penny's northwest advance.

FRANCE.

-Jerome Bonaparte is appointed President of the Senate, with the petit Luxembourg as his official residence in Paris, the Palace of Meudon for his country-seat, and a salary of 150,000 francs, besides | 800,000 francs for entertaining, a year. It is stated that Madame George Sand recently had an interview with the President, and made very strong representations to him of the sufferings of the peasantry in the rural districts from the immense number of arrests that had been made of suspected persons, and urgently requesting him to grant a general ainnesty. The President is said to have expressed great interest in the subject, but to have declined any compliance with the request.—The decree for the regulation of the press has been promulgated. It is almost needless to say that it destroys every semPolitical affairs in France remain substantially un-blance of freedom of the press, and makes it a mere changed. The law organizing the Legislative body subservient tool in the hands of the Government. It has been published. The Legislature is to consist consists of four chapters, and the following are their of 261 deputies, elected by the people, in the propor-provisions: (1.) No journal cán be published without tion of one for every 35,000 electors in the first in- first obtaining permission of the Government; nor can stance, with one more deputy for every 25,000 be- any foreign journal be admitted into France except yond that number. Algeria and the Colonies are not by the same permission: and any person bringing to be represented. All electors are eligible except into France an unauthorized paper will be liable to public functionaries. Every Frenchman of the age a year's imprisonment and to a fine of 5000 francs. of twenty-one, who has not forfeited his civil rights, Every publisher must deposit caution-money, from has the vote.We mentioned in our last Record the 15,000 to 50,000 francs, before he can issue a paper, protest of the testamentary executors of Louis Phi- under heavy penalties. (2.) Stamp duties are imAppe against the decree of confiscation, issued by the posed upon all journals whether published in France, President. The Princes of Orleans-the Duke de or introduced from other countries; and the author Nemours, and the Prince de Joinville-have ad- ities are enjoined to seize all publications violating dressed a letter of thanks to the executors, in which these regulations. (3.) Every violation of the arti they resent with becoming indignation the insults cle of the Constitution which prohibits Legislative neaped upon the memory of their father, which they reports, is punishable by fine of from 1000 to 5000 say are "especially odious when brought forward francs. The publication of false news subjects to by a man who on two different occasions received a fine, and if it be of a tendency to disturb the proofs of the magnanimity of King Louis Philippe, public peace, imprisonment is added. No account and whose family never received any thing from himn of the proceedings of the Senate or Council of out benefits." To the honor of the country which State, and no report of trials for press offenses, can they had always loyally served and would ever love, be published; and in all affairs, civil, correctional, they say, "these disgraceful decrees, and their still or criminal, the courts may forbid the publication of inore disgraceful preambles, have not dared to ap- their proceedings. Every editor is bound to publish pear except under the régime of a state of siege, and official documents, relations, and rectifications which after the suppression of all the guaranties which pro- may be addressed to him by any public authority; if he tected the liberties of the nation." The Duchess of fail to do so, he may be fined and his journal seized Orleans has also addressed the following brief and No one can carry on the bookseller's trade, or issue of indignant protest to the President :-"Monsieur-As sell engravings, medals, or prints of any kind, without I do not acknowledge your right to plunder my fam- obtaining permission of the authorities, and becoming ily, neither do I acknowledge your right to assign to subject to the same restrictions as are imposed upon me a dotation in the name of France. I refuse the journals. (4.) With regard to existing journals, three dowry.-HELENA D'ORLEANS."- -The new Minis- months are allowed for them to deposit the caution try of Police has been organized by decree. The money required, and to conform to the other provisions Minister is to have attached to his office three di- of the new law. The President, by decree, has rectors-general, who are to appoint inspector-general, abolished all fête days except the birth-day of the special inspectors, and commissaries of police in the Emperor, on the ground that their celebration recalls departments. Prominent among the duties of all of the remembrance of civil discord; and that the only these officials are those of watching and reporting one observed should be that which best tends to unite every attempt to influence public opinion against the all minds in the common sentiment of national glory government, keeping a close eye on the press and on publications of every sort-upon theatres, prisons, schools, and political and commercial associations. They are all to be under the immediate direction and control of the Minister of Police. The organization spreads a complete network of precaution over every form of public opinion in France.Louis Napoleon gave a magnificent entertainment to a large number of the English nobility at Paris, on the 1st of February, at the Elysée-the whole party numbering 44. It is stated that after the dinner was over, he took occasion to complain of the attacks upon him in the English press, and to say that he should be obliged to exclude them from France. He also spoke of the rumors that he intended to invade England as absurd. VOL. IV.-No. 23.-Y Y

-The Paris correspondent of the London Times reports that a correspondence of general interest has taken place between the governments of France and Russia. It is said that the Czar wrote to his minis ter in Paris, expressing dissatisfaction at the adop tion by the President of the emblems of the Empire; stating that he saw in all these movements the pre liminaries of the re-establishment of the Imperial era While he approved of the coup d'état which had pul an end to republicanism in France, he could only regard Louis Napoleon as the temporary chief, and could not approve any attempt to give another and more important character to his authority. It is said that Louis Napoleon replied to this note, when it was read to him, by complaining that his intentions had

garote vil. He conducted himself with the most bruta indifference, refusing any of the usual offices of religion, and abusing all who came near him. The Queen suffered considerably from the wound, but was convalescent at the last accounts. Several arrests had been made, of persons suspected of having been concerned as accomplices with him, but no evi dence was found to implicate any.

been misunderstood and misrepresented; that, in | strangulation. On the 7th, he was executed by the re-establishing the emblems of the Empire, and in reverting to the constitution of the year VIII., he only meant to establish a strong authority in his hands; that the recollections of the Empire constituted his strength, and invested him with popularity among the masses; that there was nothing astonishing in the fact of his seeking in the institutions of the Empire what was certain to re-establish authority in France; that he had no intention of re-establishing the Empire, or of making himself Emperor; that he did not want either, for the accomplishment of the mission to which he had been called; that his title of President sufficed for him; that he had no reason to trouble himself about an Imperial dynasty which has no existence; and that there was no reason for the Emperor Nicholas troubling himself about it.

CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE

No events of special importance have occurred in any of the continental nations. All the governments seem to be more or less agitated by rumors of differences with England and France, and their policy is somewhat affected by them. The suspicion of hostile intentions on the part of Louis Napoleon toward Belgium has enlisted a good deal of suspicion, and letters from Brussels, dated the 19th February, state positively that a convention had been entered into, by which Russia agrees to furnish 100,000 men for the defense of that territory in case it should be invaded or seriously menaced by France. Prussia has also promised similar assistance, and the Prince de Ligne is said to be now in Berlin for the purpose of arranging the details. These important statements, however, do not seem to be made on authority sufficient to command full credit.

In AUSTRIA, it is said, that Prince Schwartzenberg is preparing a general statement of the views of Austria concerning the state of Europe, and an indication of the line of policy which she will pursue. The mediation of Austria between Sardinia and the Pope has also been proposed, and amicable relations are again to be established between the Sardinian and Austrian governments. A new treaty has been con cluded, by which Austria is to supply Russia annually with large quantities of salt.

The relations of France to Belgium are assuming a character of considerable interest and importance. The fact that most of the exiled Frenchmen found refuge in Belgium, excited the fears of the government that they would thence exert a dangerous influence upon French affairs. Strong representations were therefore made to the Belgian authorities, who have adopted every possible means of satisfying the French government, by suppressing distrusted journals, exercising strict vigilance over refugees, and ordering many of them out of the country, or away from Brussels. It is also stated that the Duke of Bassano, the new French envoy to the Belgian court, has been authorized to demand from that government the removal of the monumental lion erected by the British government to commemorate the battle of Waterloo, and to demolish the other trophies. The rumors of hostile designs on the part of Louis NapoIcon, have led to the publication of an official denial in the Moniteur. That article states that the French government has addressed no demands whatever to In SWITZERLAND the only movements of import. foreign powers, excepting Belgium, where it was ance relate to the demand made by the French gov necessary, in order to prevent a system of incessant ernment that the Council should promise hereafter aggression. It has not armed a single soldier, neither to expel any fugitive who might be designated as has it done any thing to awaken the least suscepti- dangerous. The Federal Government, while firmly bility in its neighbors. All the views of the power in refusing to enter into any such engagement, avowed France are bent upon interior improvements. "It its readiness to take all proper and necessary precauwill not depart from its calm demeanor, except on the tions against the sojourn of political refugees in day when an attack shall have been made on the na- Switzerland becoming a source of disquietude to tional honor and dignity." The London Morning neighboring states. An official report on the subject Chronicle states, as a fact of considerable historical states that in June last there were but 235 political interest, that, as early as 1849, Louis Napoleon dis- refugees in the Swiss states, and that they were all tinctly solicited General Changarnier to join with under the strict surveillance of the police. Those who him in such a usurpation as he has since achieved, had taken any active steps likely to compromise the offering to make him Constable of France, with a mill-interests of other states, had been promptly expelled. ion of francs a year and the palace of the Elysée for a residence; and that he was met by a peremptory refusal.

SPAIN.

There was a great deal of public interest manifested throughout Switzerland concerning the relations be tween their country and France, and considerable apprehension prevailed that their rights and liberties might not always be rigidly respected.

The government of the Duchy of HOLSTEIN was formally transferred by the Commissaries of Prussia and Austria to the Commissary of Denmark, Count Reventlow-Criminil, on the 8th of February, in an official conference held at Kiel.

An attempt to assassinate the Queen of Spain was made by a priest named Martin Marino, on the 2d of February. The Queen was proceeding along the principal gallery of her palace toward the grand staircase, intending to go out upon a fête occasion, for which splendid preparations had been made, when she was approached by the priest, who kneeled to In both GREECE and TURKEY there have been present a memorial. Her Majesty reached out her changes of Ministry. In the former country the hand to take it, when he suddenly drew a dirk and change has no general importance. In Turkey, it is made a stab at her side. Her arm, however, partially significant of reaction. Reschid Pacha, the most libaverted the blow, though she was severely wounded. eral and enlightened minister ever placed at the head She leaned against the wall, and one of her aids of affairs in the Ottoman empire, has been dismissed, came up just in time to prevent a second blow. The and is succeeded by Raaf Pacha, a man upward of assassin was arrested and confessed the crime-say-eighty years of age, who was prime minister in 1838. ing that his object was to render a service to humanity; and denying that he had any accomplices. He was tried on the 3d, and sentenced to death by

The negotiation in regard to the Holy Sepulchre has been abandoned, and the French minister was to leave Constantinople forthwith.

SCIEN

CIENCE, it has been said, is essentially unpoet- | is no other way. The author of our spiritual and ical. It must be acknowledged, nevertheless, material constitution hath literally shut us up to this, that it not unfrequently furnishes some of our choicest and we can not get out of the limits within which similes. Homer had, indeed, long ago compared He has confined our intercourse with other spirits. thought to the lightning; but how much more definite, Clairvoyance boasts of having broken through them, and, on this account, more effective, is the kindred or over them; but clairvoyance is yet a fact to be simile drawn from the discovery of the modern elec- established. Even, too, if it has any claims upon tric telegraph. And yet, is there not here something our belief, it will doubtless be found, in the end, tc more than simile? Is not the communication from be only a stenographic shortening of some of the steps, soul to soul literally, as well as figuratively tele-gra- without being, in reality, any more an immediate ac. phic, that is, far-writing, or writing from afar? We tion of mind upon mind than the ordinary process. hope to interest our readers by a brief examination of the query we have started.

Spirit can only communicate with spirit through outward symbols, and by more or less steps, all of which may be regarded as outward to the most interior effect. By long familiarity this circuitous chain assumes to us the appearance of directness. But in truth we never see each other; we never hear each other; if by the terms be meant our very self-our very spiritual form, our very spiritual voice. Even to our human soul may be accommodated without irreverence the language which Paul applies to the Deity. Even of us it may be said, although in a far lower sense, "Our invisible things are only understood by the things that are done," even our temporal power and humanity. Each soul is shut up in an

arates the far distant worlds in the universe. Had there been round each one of us a wall of adamant a thousand feet in thickness, with only the smallest capillary apertures through which to carry the wires of telegraphic signals, we could not, as to the essential action of the spirit, be more secluded than we are at present. We say the essential, or first action of the soul-for doubtless there may be various degrees of difficulty or facility in the modes of mediate communication. But in this more spiritual sense each one of us exists by himself. We live apart in utter loneliness. The seclusion of each spirit knows no infraction. Its perfect solitude has never been invaded by any foreign intrusion.

An identity might, perhaps, be shown in the very medium of communication, so far as the process has a material mechum. There is no difficulty, and no danger, in adini'ting that the electric fluid may be the agent in the cerebral and organic transmission, as well as in the galvanic battery. But it is mainly in the process itself that we may trace the striking correspondence between the two modes of intelligence. The primary element of all thought is a spiritual emotion The end of all communication, mediate or immediate, is to produce the same emotion or feeling in another soul. To this every other step is subordinate. Even thought is not so much an end, in it-isolation as perfect, in one sense, as that which sepself, as is the spiritual feeling, or exercise of soul corresponding to it. This spiritual emotion, then, must first be brought under the form of a conception, or an objective picture, without which it can not be distinctly read and understood, even by the soul in which it first exists, much less communicated to another. So far the process is strikingly the same with that adopted in the telegraphic dispatch. The soul, by its own spiritual energy, first turns the emotion or feeling into a thought. It translates the thought from the abstract to the concrete, from the intuitional to the conceptive. It brings it down into the soul's chamber of imagery, and imprints it on the brain. In other words, the message is reduced to writing and given to the clerk at the station-house, who translates it into telegraphic signals. The more immediate transmitting power is now set in operation. An influence is imparted from the brain to the nerves (or wires) of the vocal organs. It is continued to the lungs, and sets in motion a current of air. This impinges on the outward atmosphere, and is carried on through successive undulations until it reaches the other station for which it was designed. It enters the office-chamber of the ear, communicates with the other cerebral battery, and then writes off from the auditory nerve or wire, the signals which, by the other logical and linguistic faculty, or the clerk at the second station, are translated into the pictorial symbols understood by all, and thus written on the second brain. The spiritual inhabitant to whom it is directed, again translates it, in a reverse order, from the verbal to the conceptive, from the conceptive to the emotional--the intuition is spirit-terize as spiritual burglary-in other words, of ually seen the emotion is felt-and thus the circuit is completed.

This is substantially the process every time we hold intercourse by means of speech. The operation is ever imperfect in all, and more imperfect in some than in others. We make mistakes in translating our own intuitions and emotions. We make still greater mistakes in taking off from the wires, and in re-translating the conceptual language which brings to us the feelings and intuitions of others. But there

To one who deeply reflects on the fact to which we have been calling attention, the first feeling, and a just feeling too, might be one of pride. The dignity of our nature would seem enhanced by such a constitution. Each man's "mind is his kingdom," in which he may be as autocratic as he wills. It makes even the lowest in the scale of humanity such an absolute sovereign within his own spiritual boundaries, so perfectly secure, if he please, against al! foreign intervention. It sets in so striking a light what in its physical and etymological, rather than its moral sense, may be styled the holiness-the wholeness, hale-ness, or separate integrity of each man's es sential being. It is in this point of view, too, that to every hale mind the pretensions of clairvoyance must appear so inexpressibly revolting. We allude to its assumption of having the power of committing what, for the want of a better name, we can only charac.

breaking into our spiritual house, and taking its seat in the very shrine of the interior consciousness. What can be more degrading to our human nature than to admit that any other human power, or human will, can at any time, and from any motive, even for purposes of the most frivolous amusement, actually enter this inner sanctuary, turning the immortal spirit into a paltry show-house, and rudely invading, or pretending to invade, the soul's essential glory, its sacred and unapproachable individuality?

HISTORY IS PHILOSOPHY TEACHING BY EXAMPLE. The thought has been deemed so profound as to give rise to some discussion respecting its origin. As a def inition, however, the maxim is liable to serious objec tion. It presents, rather, the uses, or the chief use, of history, than the essential idea. The individual memory may also be said to be philosophy teaching by example; but then it becomes only another name for that experience which is but the application of remembered facts to the guidance of the future life. So history may be called the World's MEMORY—the memory of a race-of a nation-of a collective hu

There is, however, another aspect of the thought | philosophy, as a belief in the reality of its pos in which it may give rise to a very different, if not sible consciousness would be the highest article of an opposite emotion. There may be, too, at times, faith. a feeling of the deepest melancholy called out by that other consideration of our spiritual solitude, of our being so utterly alone upon the earth-a feeling which, has never been set forth with so much power and, at the same time, truthful simplicity, as in the touching language of inspiration-" The heart knoweth its own bitterness, and a stranger meddleth not with its joy." And then, again, although we would in general shrink from it as a painful ordeal, there are periods when we long for a more searching communion with other spirits than can ever be expected from the most intimate methods of mediate intercourse. There are periods when we are irresistibly drawn out to say-O that some other soul were ac-manity. quainted with us as we think we are acquainted with ourselves, not only with our fancied virtues and our more real sins, as they appear imperfectly manifested by misinterpreted signals from within, but with our very soul itself. Yes, there is sadness in the thought that we are so unknown, even to those who would be thought to know us best-unknown alike in that which makes us better as in that which makes us worse than we seem ;-for we are all better, and we are all worse than we appear to our fellow-men.

It is in vain, then, for us to say what facts, in themselves, ought to constitute history. The matter is settled. It is not what any philosophy, or any theology, or any science of history may deem worthy of remembrance, but what has actually been thus remembered, or is now so entering into the common mind as to form the ground of memory in the future. The parallelism in this respect between the individual and this national, or common mind, is striking and complete. The true history of each man is not so much what he has done, as what he has thought and felt. The thought is the form of the feeling, and the act merely the outward testimony by which both are revealed. It is not, therefore, every act, or doing, which enters into his history-not even those which have formed the greater part of his constant daily exercise-but simply such as for any reason have made the deepest impression on the inner man, and which, therefore, stand out in the records of his memory when all else has perished. What this chronicles is the man's veritable history. However important other parts of his conduct may appear externally, this is his true spiritual life. It is the record, the imperishable record of that which has reached and stirred the depths of his soul, while other acts, and other events, have had their lodgment only in the outward un-emotional existence.

And here, we think, may be found an argument for the existence of Deity, built on stronger and more assuring ground than is furnished by any of the ordinary positions of natural theology. It is an argument derived from one of the most interior wants of our moral constitution. There is no doubt that in our fallen state a feeling of pain-at times of intense pain-may connect itself in our minds with the recognition of the Divine idea; but there is also an element of happiness, and, if cherished, of the highest and most serious happiness, in the thought that there is One Great Soul that does penetrate into our most interior spirituality. There is one Soul that is ever as intimately present with us as our own consciousness-that holds communion with us, and with whom we may hold communion, in a manner impossible for any other. There is One that thinks our thoughts, and feels our feelings, even as we think Such memory, or such history, may not be what it them, and as we feel them, although, along with ought to have been; it may not be the measure of acthis, in another manner, too, of its own, that trans-countability. All that we insist upon is the fact, cends our thinking "even as the heavens are high above the earth," and is as far removed from all the imperfections of our own spiritual exercises. There may seem an inconsistency in this apparent mingling of the finite and the infinite in the Divine Nature, but it is the belief of both which unlocks for us the meaning of the Scriptures, and sheds light over every page of revelation and of providence. There is a higher Soul that pervades our spiritual entity, not as an impersonal or pantheistic abstraction, but as the most distinctly personal of all personalities-not as a mere Law of nature, but as a Father "who careth for us," as a Guardian "who numbereth the very nairs of our heads," as a Judge who taketh note of every thought, and gives importance to all our forgotten sins, while He is, at the same time, present with, and caring for every other individual soul in the universe. As in some previous musings of our Editorial Table, we might have adverted to the Divine physical power as the ever-present dynamical entity in the seeming vacuities of space, and binding together the isolated material worlds, so here we may regard the Higher Spiritual Presence as the true ond of union among all those isolated souls that fill he spiritual universe. Thus viewed, the fact of such communion would be the highest truth in

that, whether right or wrong, it is the true history of the individual, because it is his real life. But then there are degrees of memory. It is not always, in all its parts, either present to the mind, or capable of recall at will. Still, what has once in this manner truly affected his soul, has by this become a part of it, and can, therefore, never be lost. Like some old historical record it may be laid aside for a season, but sooner or later must it come forth, and claim its place as belonging to that individual personality into which it enters as a constituent and inseparable portion.

The parallel may be traced to almost any extent. Like the memory of our earliest years, so is the dawning history of a young world or nation, except so fat as positive revelation has shed its light upon it. Both are mythical. In other words, facts are remembered, not as they are in themselves, but as seen through the magnifying and coloring influence of the emotional medium with which they are ever afterward asso ciated. Like stars observed through a densely re fracting atmosphere, they stand apart, each in its own seclusion, and hence they loom upon the vision without any of those mutually connecting associations that belong to our subsequent thinking. There is, too, in both cases, the same chronicler-the pure re