certain form of Government, more than we can bind our Pofterity? If a People be put to war with thir King for his Mifgovernment, and overcom him, the Power is then undoubtedly in thir own hands how they will be govern'd. The War was granted just by the King himself at the beginning of his last Treaty, and still maintain'd to be fo by this last Parlament, as appears by the Qualification prescrib'd to the Members of this next enfuing, That none fhall be elected, who have born Arms against the Parlament fince 1641. If the War were just, the Conqueft was also just by the Law of Nations. And he who was the chief Enemy, in all right ceas'd to be the King, especially after Captivity, by the deciding Verdit of War; and Royalty with all her Laws and Pretenfions, yet remains in the Victor's power, together with the choice of our future Government. Free Commonwealths have bin ever counted fitteft and propereft for civil, vertuous and industrious Nations, abounding with prudent Men worthy to govern: Monarchy fitteft to curb degenerate, corrupt, idle, proud, luxurious People. If we desire to be of the former, nothing better for us, nothing nobler than a free Commonwealth: if we will needs condemn our felves to be of the latter, defparing of our own Vertue, Industry, and the number of our able Men, we may then, confcious of our own unworthinefs to be govern'd better, fadly betake us to our befitting Thraldom: yet chufing out of our own number one who hath best aided the People, and best merited against Tyranny, the space of a Raign or two we may chance to live happily enough, or tolerably. But that a victorious People fhould give up themfelves again to the vanquish'd, was never yet heard of; seems rather void of all Reafon and good Policy, and will in all probability subject the Subduers to the Subdu'd, will expofe to Revenge, to Beggary, to Ruin and perpetual Bondage the Victors under

the vanquish'd: than which what can be more unworthy?

From mifinterpreting our Law, you return to do again the same with Scripture, and would prove the Supremacy of English Kings from 1 Pet. 2. 13. as if that were the Apostle's work: wherein if he faith that the King is fupreme, he speaks so of him but as an Ordinance of Man, and in respect of those Governors that are fent by him, not in respect of Parlaments, which by the Law of this Land are his Bridle; in vain his Bridle, if not alfo his Rider: and therfore hath not only Co-ordination with him, which you falfly call feditious, but hath Superiority above him, and that neither against Religion, nor right Reason: no nor against common Law; for our Kings reign'd only by Law: but the Parlament is above all pofitive Law, whether civil or common, makes or unmakes them both; and ftill the latter Parlament above the former, above all the former Lawgivers, then certainly above all precedent Laws; entail'd the Crown on whom it pleas'd; and as a great Lawyer faith, is Jo tranfcendent and abfolute, that it cannot be confin'd either for Caufes or Perfons, within any bounds. But your cry is, no Parlament without a King. If this be fo, we have never had lawful Kings, who have all bin created Kings either by fuch Parlaments, or by conquest; if by fuch Parlaments, they are in your allowance none: if by Conquest, that Conquest we have now conquer'd. So that as well by your own Affertion as by ours, there can at prefent be no King. And how could that Perfon be abfolutely fupreme, who reign'd, not under Law only, but under Oath of his good Demeanor given to the People at his Coronation, ere the People gave him his Crown? And his principal Oath was to maintain thofe Laws which the People should chuse. If then the Law it felf, much more he who was but the Keeper and Minister of Law, was in thir choice, and both he

fubordinat to the performance of his Duty fworn, and our fworn Allegiance in order only to his performance.

You fall next on the Confiftorian Schifmatics; for fo you call Presbyterians, pag. 40. and judg them to have enervated the King's Supremacy by thir Opinions and Practice, differing in many things only in terms from Popery; though fome of those Principles which you there cite concerning Kingship, are to be ready in Ariftotle's Politics, long ere Popery was thought on. The Presbyterians therfore it concerns to be well forewarn'd of you betimes; and to them I leave

you.

As for your Examples of feditious Men, pag. 54. &c. Cora, Abfalom, Zimri, Sheba, to these you might with much more reafon have added your own Name, who blow the Trumpet of Sedition from your Pulpit against the present Government: in reward wherof they have fent you by this time, as I hear, to your own place, for preaching open Sedition, while you would feem to preach against it.

As for your Appendix annext of the Samaritan reviv'd, finding it fo foul a Libel against all the wellaffected of this Land, fince the very time of Shipmoney, against the whole Parlament, both Lords and Commons, except those that fled to Oxford, against the whole reform'd Church, not only in England and Scotland, but all over Europe (in comparison wherof you and your Prelatical Party are more truly Schifmatics and Sectarians, nay more properly Fanatics

in

your Fanes and gilded Temples, than those whom you revile by thofe names) and meeting with no more Scripture or folid reason in your Samaritan wine and oyl, than hath already bin found sophisticated and adulterate, I leave your malignant Narrative, as needing no other Confutation, than the just Cenfure already pass'd upon you by the Council

of State.

A Letter to a Friend, Concerning the Ruptures of the

SIR,

Commonwealth.

Publish'd from the Manufcript.

PON the fad and ferious Difcourfe which we fell into laft night, concerning these dangerous Ruptures of the Commonwealth, fcarce yet in her Infancy, which cannot be without fome inward flaw in her Bowels; I began to confider more intenfly theron than hitherto I have bin wont, refigning my felf to the Wisdom and Care of those who had the Government; and not finding that either God, or the Publick requir'd more of me, than my Prayers for them that govern. And fince you have not only ftir'd up my thoughts, by acquainting me with the ftate of Affairs, more inwardly than I knew before; but also have defired me to fet down my Opinion therof, trusting to your Ingenuity, I fhall give you freely my apprehenfion, both of our prefent Evils, and what Expedients, if God in Mercy regard us, may remove them. I will begin with telling you how I was over-joy'd, when I heard that the Army, under the working of God's holy Spirit, as I thought, and still hope well, had bin fo far wrought to Chriftian Humility, and Self-denial, as to confefs in pub

lick thir backfliding from the good Old Caufe, and to fhew the fruits of thir Repentance, in the righteousness of thir restoring the old famous Parliament, which they had without juft Authority diffolved: I call it the famous Parliament, tho not the harmles, fince none well-affected, but will confes, they have deserved much more of these Nations, than they have undeserved. And I perfwade me, that God was pleas'd with thir Reftitution, figning it, as he did, with fuch a signal Victory, when fo great a part of the Nation were defperately confpir'd to call back again thir Egyptian Bondage. So much the more it now amazes me, that they, whofe Lips were yet fcarce clos'd from giving Thanks for that great Deliverance, should be now relapsing, and so soon again backfliding into the fame fault, which they confest fo lately, and fo folemnly to God and the World, and more lately punish'd in thofe Cheshire Rebels; that they should now diffolve that Parliament, which they themselves re-establish'd, and acknowledg'd for thir Supreme Power in thir other days humble Representation and all this, for no apparent cause of publick Concernment to the Church or Commonwealth, but only for difcommiffioning nine great Officers in the Army; which had not bin don, as is reported, but upon notice of thir Intentions against the Parliament. I prefume not to give my Cenfure on this Action, not knowing, as yet I do not, the bottom of it. I speak only what it appears to us without doors, till better cause be declar'd, and I am fure to all other Nations moft illegal and fcandalous, I fear me barbarous, or rather scarce to be exampl'd among any Barbarians, that a paid Army should, for no other cause, thus fubdue the Supream Power that fet them up. This, I fay, other Nations will judg to the fad dishonour of that Army, lately fo renown'd for the civileft and beft order'd in the World, and by