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pendix, this publication is swelled to the size of a five-fhilling book. In the enormous introduction we can see little object besides that of blackening Mr. Young, and pointing him out, as it appears, for a pria mary object of republican vengeance, in case that party should by any means prevail. The pamphlet that follows inculcates, in the most violent manner, the doctrines of annual pırliaments and universal suffrage. At a time when an unguarded expresion has exposed an avowed and strenuous friend of the constitution to a criminal prosecution, it is curious to fee that the oppolise party can with security write directly against the conftitution. “ Unreflecting perfous," says Mr. Cartwright, “ may ima. gine that the King and Lords, as independant branches of the legis. lature, ought to have an equal power with the House of Commons. But, in the present state of things, this were naturally impossible ; and, io think them entirled to such an equality, were a pernicious error." P. 118. Except for the confusion of the syntax, this passage is furely decided enougl. But what is the remedy proposed for all political evils ? • Arm the people to the full extent of property, that is, down to every taxed householder: cause them to be equally, fully, and effectively represented in annual parliaments : exchange the word kingiom for that of commonwealıh, and accommodate to that wife and faluiary exchange, the whole Innguage and law of the ftate.” P. 126. The consequence would be, not as Mr. C. aserts, that royalty, “ with its appendage nobility,” being discharged of envy, would remain in fafety ; but, as he well knows, that they would both be subverted, He forgets that the exchange has once been made, and was not found wile or falutary, and that monarchy and nobility were then destroyed. He proceeds by fererely censuring all the forms of law and state that run in the king's name, and proposes to substitute, “ Be it therefore enacted by the people of ihis Commonwealih in parliament assembled, with che counsel and affent of the lords of parliament, and his majesty," &c. This is speaking out, at least. Mr. C. is very energetic in bis endeavour to hold up io contempt the one hundred and fifty-four persons in parliament connected with boroughs, whom he calls reptils, &c. But, as Mr. Young very properly answers, “ these one hundred and fifty-four reptiles include many of the first, wealthielt, and most respectable perfons for rank, character, and abilities, which the kingdom has to boast.”
Art. 41. The Constitution safe without Reform. Containing fome
Kemcirks on a Bock entitled, The Commonwealth in Danger; by John Cartwright, Esq. By the Author of the Example of France a Warning to Britain. 8vo. 70 pp. Is. 6d. Richardson, &c. 1795Mr. Young here replies to the preceding pamphlet, as far as he is perfonally attack-d in it, and defends himself, we think, with perlect success, against the charges of having acted uncandidly towards Mr. Cartwrighe, and being an apoftate from the cause of liberty. We should conceive him to be exactly right in the following affertion concerning his antagonist. “My bock” (The Example of France, &c.) “proveva fumbling block in the path of our reformers; they knew that by fair argument they could not anfwer it: the experiment was mre than once made and failed. Mr. C. has not attempted it; he has taken another road, and transferred the attack from the book to the author.” P. 44. ART. 42. An Address to the Yeomanry of England. By a Field-Of Art. 46. A ficand Address to the Right Reverend the Prelates of
cer of Cavalry, who has served all this War on the Continent. 8vo. 82 pp. 15. Walter. 1795.
A very well-timed and energetic address to the Yeomanry of England, pointing out to them, in Itrong terms, the necelfity of arming themselves for the defence of their property, and contrasting the advantages which they derive from their exertions, with the calamities which have befallen the farmers of the Low Countries, from their inactivity and wavering conduet. " Happy," says the author, " would it have been for the farmers of the Low Countries, if they had foreseen the intention of their enemies, as the English farmers have, and in the same manner prepared to meet them. Those fertile lands would not have been laid waste as they now are. Those well filled granaries would not have been plundered; nor the opulent farmer first robbed of all his money and fock, and then driven from his once peaceful abode, where every comfort of life was at his command, to serve and toil in a diftant country, from whence in vain his tortured thoughts turn towards his native home, which he is doomed to see no more. This is the real picture of what, one year ago, was the highest cultivated and richest couniry in Europe. This is the newfashioned freedo:n, for which every security and happiness that this world can afford, has been bartered; and a striking example does that devoted land offer of the crils that may arise, from the inhabitants of a country not having fufficient forelight and energy to ward off the attacks, that may be made upon a conititution, which is the foundation of their wealth and happiness. The example of the Low Countries comes more home to England than any other; because the freedom of their government, in some fort, resembled ours; the effect of it was, in many respects, the fame; the land was most highly cultivated, and the farmers rich and independent as ours are. But they wanted our innate wisdom and energy, and this deficiency has been their ruin. They stood gaping in a state of fupid indecifion, partly deluded by the evil-minded of their own county, partly by the promises of the enemy, till the French invasion foon convinced them, that French freedom was but another name for poverty and abject llavery.".
The rules for formation and field-exercise are well drawn up, but are not, in our opinion, so well adapted to corps of yeomanry, as those which were given in a similar publication, dated from Canterbury, which we reviewed last year.
Art. 43. A Letter to the King, with Notes. 8vo. 35 pp. Owen.
1795. The Gonfalonier of Lucca is made to abuse the King of England through the Elector of Hanover. The tenor of the pamphler is such as to prove that the bulwark of our liberies, the preis, is as free as licence itself can make or wish it.
ART. 44. A Letter addrefed to the People of Piedmont, on the Advan
tages of the French Revolution and the ducjiy of adopting its Principles in Italy. By Joel Barlow, Auihor of the Vifion of Columbus, A Letter to the National Conventim, The Conspiracy of Kings, and Advice to Privileged Orders. Translated from the French by the Author. 8vo. 48 pp. 15. 6d. Eaton. 1795.
If Mr. Barlow's powers of persuasion were equal to his zeal, another department would by this tiine have found place in the extended territory of the French Republic. Forty-eight pages of exhortation are employed to display the benign tendency of thole equalizing principles, which has filled one of the fine it countries in Europe with anarchy, rapine, and murder. The Piedmontese are admonished of the necessity in which they stand for limilar changes; and all the crouching arts of democratic flattery are exerted to effect their poli. tical conversion. The preface announces a confident expectation of this event taking place in the campaign of 1994. How the people of Piedmont are affected towards the French, the present state of events is likely to put to the test ; but this we will not hesitate to say, that if they once receive them as friends, they will soon feel them as tyrants.
Art. 45. The Filence of Algernon Sidney's Work on Government, to
which is annexed his Elay on Love. By a Student of the Inner Temple. 8vo. 287 pp. 45. Johnson, 1795.
Amidst the distractions of party, and the divisions of political opinion, the present publication will be received with different degrees of praise and blame. To those who support the popular theory, this abridgment will prove an acceptable present, while those who demur to the doctrines themselves, may yet not find themselves wholly offended by being put in possession oí a treatise in this portable form, from the pen of a man whom all descriptions of parties have agreed to pity and respect. The editor, whole civifi is by no means quertionable, engages for a life of this eloquent patriot, whose name he has already enlisted in the Gallic corps. “ Had it been written (says the editor in a note upon the appendix) at a later period, we should have found the citizen more conspicuous, though, perhaps, not fo amorous.'
The Essay upon Love, which this note introduces, is written with an almost equal mixture of feeling and good sense, “ Love (says the patriot) is the most extensive desire of the soul to enjoy beauty; and where it is reciprocal, is the most entire and exact union of hearts.” P. 274. He then considers its nature, which he pronounces to be of a mixed character--" A mixed creature (P. 275) muit have mixeil affections ; and can love only where he finds a mind of such excellency as to delight his understanding, and a body of beauty to please his senses.” He next defends the passion against objectors, and concludes with a handsome eulogium on the fofter sex.
England and Wales, on the Subject of the Slave - Trade. 8vo. 22 pp. 6d. Johnson. 1795.
A feeble and contemptible effort to casi upon the bench of bishops the odium of a continuance of the Slave-Trade. A flight declamation is subjoined against the war; on which subject it is sufficient for Englifmen to ask-Were we to fight, or to stand idle till we were knocked on ihe head?
Art. 47. Confiderations on the present internal and external Condition
of France. 8vo. 60 pp. 15. 6d. Debrett. 1794. The multiplicity of tracts, to which this fruitful subject has given birih, renders it difficult for the most determined care to bring them forward to public notice in their juft and merited order. The • Confiderations of this author appear to have been written under the influence of the best principles, and with a design of effecting the bes ends : but the seasoning employed is, for the moít part, obscure, and the larguge abrupt and inelegant. The changes which have hap. pened in France, since the date of this pamphlet, have destroyed the application of many particulars. In this, however, the public have little to regre!, as nothing is discoverable in the rhapsodies of this unequal writer, but what has already been advanced in more perspicuous and fascinating terms.
Art. 48. The Plot Discovered; or, An Address to the People against
Ministerial Treafon. By S. T. Coleridge. 12mo. gd. Bristol. No Publisher's Name. 1795.
We abbor, not only as critics, but as men of morals, the custom wliich has of late prevailed among certain individuals, of taking a detached sentence from a speech or publication, and commenting npon it, without any consideration of the context. Mr. Coleridge, prhom we have con mended as a poet, has done this with respect to an expression of the Bishop of Rochester, which, when explained, was found not only to be harmless, but truly constitutional. "The violence of this pamphlet supersedes all criticism; it breathes all the petulance and irritability of youth, assertion without proof, and the absurdest deduciions from the most false and unreasonable premises.
ART. 49. A Letter to Henry Duncombe, Esq. Member for the County of
York, on the Subject of the tery extraordinary Pamphlet, lately address fed by Mr. Burke to a noble Lurd. By William Milcs. The fourth . Edition. 8vo. 100 pp. 2s.6d. Debrett. 1796.
As might be expected, the pamphlet of Mr. Burke gave rise to many others, of various complexions, fome hoftile, others friendly to him; but the greater part belonging to the former class. Among these tracts,
no one is, or can be, more violent than that which lies before us. The writer seems to have exhausted the treasures of invective, and certainly has not always been scrupulous in his choice of the topics : particu. larly in his first edition. As there is something very disgusting in controversy whenever it arrives at this state, we shall spare ourselves and our readers the pain of enteringinto the particulars of this. What may be objected to Mr. Burke, or to his late pamphlet, is very generally known; to this add all that has at any time been surmised against him, or drawn by any force of angry interpretation from that production, and suppose it delivered with the most tragic vehemence of style, and you will have a correct, though general notion, of the Letter to Mr. Duncombe. The mistake of supposing Mr. Burke's juvenile tract on civil society to convey his real sentiments, which was meant, on the contrary, as a kind of reductio ad absurdum, a confutation of Bolinge broke, by showing that any extravagances might be made plausible by his loose and declamatory mode of reasoning, is such as could not have been committed but by very precipitate anger. What Mr. Burke wrote as absurdities, are quoted against him as opinions.
Art. 50. A Letter to Mr. Miles. 8vo. 66 pp. 15. 6d. Owen. 1796.
Mr. Miles has here met with an antagonist as violent as himself. 6. Such joy ambition finds !”
Art. 51. Strictures on Mr. Burke's Letter to a noble Lord, on the Ato
tacks made upon him and his Pension in the House of Lords, by tbe Duke of Bedford and Lord Lauderdale. 8vo. 15 pp. 6d. Eaton. 1796.
Notwithstanding the warehouse from which it proceeds, this is inoffensive enough.
ART. 52. A warm Reply to Mr. Burke's Letter. By A. Macleod.
8vo. 75 Pp. 25. Crosby. 1796. The title-page of this tract announces what kind of temper is to be expected in it. But the severest insults it contains, are offered to the English language.--" Corybantiate," “ inebrious,” “ invalescened," " inescated :"-such are the beauties that adorn the author's profe.' His verse, (for there is verse too) may be estimated from the following epitaph, proposed for Mr. Burke.
Reader, attend, beneath this stone was laid