MONTHLY CATALOGUE, For OCTOBER, 1779. POLITICAL. Art. 11. The Alarm; or, Irish Spy. In a Series of Letters on the prefent State of Affairs in Ireland, to a Lord high in the Oppofition. Written by an Ex-Jefuit, employed by his Lordship for that Purpose. 8vo. I s. 6d. Bew. 1779. A N intelligent comment on, and free juflification of, fome recent proceedings of difcontented Hibernia; who appears trongly inclined to tread in the steps of revolted America. The fubject of the grievances, and the demands, of Ireland, is feriously and ably difcuffed by this pretended Ex- Jefuit; who is, no doubt, an Irishman, and (with a fair appearance of moderation) obviously partial to his country, in his reprefentation of the nature of her connexion with Great Britain, and of her claims of emancipation from those restraints under which fhe has been laid by the policy of our government. Art. 12. A Plan for recruiting the British Army, in which, under the Suppofition of an Act of Parliament obtained for that Purpofe, the Alternative is offered to each County of Great Britain, either to fupply the Army with a proportional Number of Recruits by Ballot, or to affes each Parish, at a proportional Rate, to inftitute an Affociation Fund, which is to increafe fo in the Time of Peace, as to pay Bounties to a fufficient Number of Volunteers in the most preffing Exigency of War. To which are added, Thoughts' on the prefent Method of Imprefs for the Sea Service, calculated to render that Method of manning the Navy more expeditious, and more confiftent with the Intereft of the Merchant Service. By the Hon, and Rev. James Cochrane, Chaplain to the 82d Regiment of Foot. 4to. I s. Dixwell, &c. The bad confequences attending the prefent methods of recruiting the army, and of manning the navy on fudden emergencies, are well known, and generally complained of. Our Author's plan feems well calculated for remedying thefe inconveniencies; and it certainly merits the ferious attention of government. Art. 13. A Speech intended to have been spoken in Coach-Makers Hall, on Thurfday, Sept. 23, 1779, upon the Question; " Does the City of London, in withholding its Affiftance from Government at this alarming Crifis, act upon Principles of true Patriotifm?" 8vo. 6d. Richardfon and Urquhart. Difapproves the late conduct of the City in withholding its voluntary affittance from government; and zealously exhorts us to unanimity in defence of our country: leaving, at fo dangerous a crifis, the merits of the Ministry out of the queflion. For, argues the Author, how abfurdly fatal would it be to fuffer the nation to fink, for the fake of finking a weak or wicked Administration with it? To clear himself from the imputation of minifterial attachment, the Author grants that the measures of Administration have been in the highest degree difgraceful and dangerous to the nation; and he advises the citizens of London not to forego their enmity to the Ministry. Miniftry,' Prepare, fays he, a new remonftrance and petition, fign it, and let it be fent to all the corporations in Britain. Let them be urged and entreated by all that is dear to Englishmen, alfo to fign it. With this in your hands once more approach the throne, and believe me, as you will now be more refpectable, you will be more fuccefsful. But should your petition be ftill difregarded, yet withhold not your affiftance. Confider that the Miniftry muft know the precipice on which they ftand; that danger will operate like patriotifm upon them, and truft to providence and the courage of Englishmen for the reft. When your country, by your affistance and example, is delivered from external danger, then turú your attention to domeftic enemies. Let the conduct of every man you fufpect be fcrutinized. Let the traitors, if fuch they are found, receive the reward of their treafon on the block. Let Majefty itfelf feel your refentment, if Majefty lift itself up against the liberty of the people.' Art. 14. A Shorter Anfwer to the Short Hiftory of the Oppofition. Evo. 6d. H. Payne. 1779. In our last Month's Review, we gave fome account of a Short Anfwer to the History of the Oppofition: this Shorter Anfwer is rather too fhort for the refutation of a performance which many of its readers have confidered as worthy of much attention: even though it should not be regarded as containing altogether a fair and candid view of the general principles and conduct of the party against which the ingenious Writer has employed his pen. Art. 15. An Inquiry into the State of the Militia: Containing a Recital of the different Manner in which Military Service has been performed; a full Defcription of the ancient Norman Cuftom of holding Lands by Military Tenure: With the various Arms used, and Manner of levying the Forces, from the Origin of the Britons to the present Period: In which is included an historical Account of the Eftimation in which the Militia of London was formerly held. And a brief Inquiry into the Cause of their prefent Situation, and an Account of the Expenditure of the Trophy Tax, To which is added, feveral Plans, by which they may be made of public Utility. 8vo. I s. Bew. 1779. There is a strong vein of trae humour in the English populace, who feldom mistake the object on which they feel themselves difpofed to exercise it; and the Trained Bands, of the city of London, are never met by an old drunken bafket woman, but he is up with them in a style that both parties very well understand. The rank and file, if they may be claffed under fuch a defcription, are a true burlesque of every military idea, and they are fuitably officered; we mean in the fubordinate departments. The Writer before us understands them as well as any old baket-woman whatever, and offers feveral plans for their improvement, to the choice of the court or Lieutenancy. Thefe gentlemen, if they are not immediately in the military line themfelves, with, no doubt, to place the militia of London on a refpectable footing; and we are perfuaded, that when a plan is laid before them, practicable in its nature, and easy to the inhabitants, the militia of London will be able to face any drunken cobler, or old woman, boldly, and difarm them of all their vulgar wit. X 3 Art. Art. 16. Political Arithmetic. Part II. Containing Confiderations on the Means of raifing the Supplies within the Year. Occafioned by Mr. Pulteney's Pamphlet on that Subject t. By Arthur Young, Efq; F. R. S. 8vo. 1 s. 6 d. Cadell. 1779. Mr. Young is not lefs fummary in collecting data to reason from in politics, than in agriculture; and he hurries his reader from one deduction to another, with a celerity that a perfon lefs quick in his conceptions, and therefore cautious in his affent, may think not altogether fafe in momentous fubjects. A farmer who has rent and fubfiftence to raise from his land, may have improvements in view, and may try experiments on fuitable parcels of ground; but would he act wifely were he to reft the whole produce of his farm, his whole dependance, on the iffue of a project? In this rafh light, however, does Mr. Young's fcheme for raifing the fupplies within the year appear to us; notwithstanding his confidence of its fuccefs. ter arraigning the principle, and application of the tax raised for the fupport of the poor, as being applied to the production of very little real good, but of the moft ample mischief,' he proceeds in the following manner: Af If the neceflities of the flate make it expedient to raise the fupplies within the year, where can a minifter turn for a fund larger, or more certain in the amount, eafier in the collection (for it is collected to his hand), or which would prove lefs burthen some to the fubject? The fact is, that if a part of this productive tax was applied to the use of the ftate, it would be the application of a large. revenue, from mifchievous to beneficial purposes. It is very easy to foresee a multitude of objections to fuch a plan, and I will admit this circumftance alone to be fufficient, when I fee a minifter raife a million a year additional revenue without objections. There is, however, one which fhould be guarded against fudden changes that concern great bodies of people might and would be dangerous, the meafure fhould therefore be brought about as gradually as might be. Perhaps it might be proper to país an act, limiting poor rates for ever in all parishes to a fum not exceeding the average of the laft feven years. And then to enact, that no parochial affiftance of any fort whatever, fhould be given, under the age of fixty years, except to perfons with broken limbs, or other impoffibilities of fupporting themselves. Annexed to thefe acts, a tax to be laid on the amount of poor rates, beginning with 10 per cent. applicable to the ufes of the public, which might be gradually increased. If fuch a fyftem was in time to wipe out the prefent, the charity of individuals would revive a fpirit of humanity in poor families, for aged and helplefs relations, which is fo ftrikingly manifeft. in Ireland, where there is not the veftige of a poor rate, would arife, and of which there at prefent is fcarcely a trace in England: a fpirit of care and forefight would be kindled among the poor, induftry would flourish in confequence, and the only visible change in the economy of poor families, would probably be a lefs liberal con For the former publication, fee Review, vol. li. p. 470. fumption fumption of tea, fugar, and fpirits. No perfon can have had many opportunities of witneffing the effect of poor rates, without being fenfible that a benefit, instead of a burthen, would refult to the public from raifing, by this means, an increasing revenue. If notwithstanding thefe circumftances, government found, or thought itself fo effentially weak as to be apprehenfive of the refentment of a mob, upon fuch an occafion, and the meafure was rejected in favour of a direct land-tax on thofe long and feady friends, the country gentlemen, then fome contrivance, in laying on that land-tax, fhould be had recourfe to, which might promife an ease in this burthenfome article of rates. Such, for instance, as making the tax fo much per cent. on the rates, that it might rife proportionably with them; which by making one burthen the index and regulator of another, the greater activity might be exerted in the country to leffen both.-The laziness and idle inattention of country gentlemen, even to their own interefts, have been fo remarkably exhibited, in permitting rates to come to their prefent amount, that they well deferve fuch fpurs. It would, literally speaking, be a tax upon folly-I need not add, a most productive one! It might also be confidered in the light of a domestic regulation, as well as a tax-it would in fome measure be voluntary, as the amount would depend on the care and attention with which gentlemen exerted themfelves in leffening an evil, which they have almost entirely brought on themselves.' An argument muft contain fome convincing truths, to render it plaufible, and the application of the poor's rate has undoubtedly been too much neglected, and left to improper management; but if our workhoufes and houses of industry truly deserved their names, there needs no fpeculation or calculation to fee that the poor would keep out of them as long as they could; that those within would in great measure fupport themfelves; and the rates grow lighter in proportion with the reform. But after near two centuries have fo intimately interwoven this mode of fubfifting the poor into our parochial policy, to begin a reformation by loading this fund, already fufficiently appropriated to purposes that admit of no fufpenfion, with the fupport of a war,-this remained for Mr. Young to propofe.-What is to become of the poor until the expected change takes place, by a lefs liberal confumption of tea, fugar, and fpirits;' or when this change may be expected, from the mere abridgment of their allowance, are circumftances the calculation of which is not allowed to shade the bright fide of the scheme. But as no preparatory restrictive statutes can fill empty bellies, the first step toward fuch an alienation, or tax upon mifery, must be the Hottentot principle of economy, of knocking on the head a fufficient number of useless beings at home, that their food may be applied to the nourishment of those who are able to ferve our enemies in the fame manner abroad. In brief, this plan would produce far more immediate diftrefs and popular commotion than the fuppreffion of religious houses; which must be encountered with a far greater exertion of legal cruelty to eradicate. Violent as fuch measures muft be, the Hottentot fcheme only could give them that inftant energy to fupport our military operations next year withX 4 out the affiftance of a loan; the ability to do which, Mr. Young thinks would detach the French from their American alliance. The great need which our establishment relating to the poor has of a wife reform, is too apparent to be infifted on; it may neverthelefs be hoped, that the military operations of the next year, critical as our circumstances may appear, are, in no degree, dependant on it. POETICA L. Art. 17. Poems, by John Hawthorn, Light Dragoon in the Inniskilling Regiment. Printed for the Author. 4to. 3 s. DodЛley, &c. 1779. Of honest John Hawthorn's poetical attainments the Reader will If fome liv'd better, fome liv'd worse than me: Made me enlift, and leave them all behind.' Art. 18. The Hero of H---s, or, Black a-Moor washed White, Dedicated to JEMMY TWITCHER. 8vo. 1 s. Hookham. 1779. Low abuse of fome Middlefex Juflice, who, if his character be here jufly reprefented, is but a poor fubject for public notice, in a printed lampoon: but, as was observed of the Afs eating thistles, Like lips, like lettuces." Art |