water impregnated with fixed air, in preferving meat, washed with it, from putrefaction. No 3. An account of the cure of an inflammation of the breaft, by the topical application of fixed air; by Mr. Adam Walker. N 4 and 5. Two letters from Mr. Becket of Briftol, containing accounts of fome experiments made at the Author's requeft, on the water of the hot well, and on fea water; from both which he extracted, by means of a boiling heat, air fo far dephlogifticated, as to take exactly an equal quantity of nitrous air before it increafed in bulk: whereas five parts of common air required only three parts of nitrous air, to produce the fame effect; the column of air in the gage tube increafing in length, exactly in proportion to any fubfequent addition of nitrous air. No 6, contains the refults of fome experiments made by Dr. Dobfon of Liverpool, on the expulfion of air better than common air from fea water. N 7. A letter from Mr. Magellan, on the efficacy of fixed air, experienced in a putrid cafe, in Holland. The fixed air was exhibited according to Dr. Hulme's method; and likewife in two other fuccefsful cafes, afterwards related-a quartan ague, and a dropfy, under the direction of Dr. Coopmans of Franeker in Frezeland.

In N 8, Dr. Ingenhoufz defcribes an eafy and expeditious method of procuring a fpecies of inflammable air or vapour, from vitriolic ether. A fingle drop of this liquid put into an inflammable air pistol, containing about 10 cubic inches, communicates to the common air contained in it a very strong explofive force. It is very remarkable that this inflammable air or vapour exceeds the inflammable air extracted from iron, in fpecific gravity fo much as in the ratio of 150 to 25.

heavier than common air, in the proportion of 150 to 138; fo that if too great a quantity of it contained in the air pistol (and the confequent exclufion of the proper quantity of common air) prevent it from taking fire; it will fall out, on holding the piftol inverted a few feconds with its mouth open; and, in confequence of the entrance of a proper quantity of common air, in its room, the explosion will take place. We have fhewn this circumftance in the best manner, by holding the open mouth of the inverted piftol, purpofely overcharged, at a fmall distance from the conductor of an electrical machine, while the globe was kept in motion. During fome feconds, the fparks produced no effect; but as foon as the proper quantity of inflammable vapour had fallen out, the explofion enfued.

It is, perhaps, a circumftance equally remarkable that, though æther itself is fo very volatile, and evaporates fo quickly; yet this elaftic vapour generated from it will remain fome hours in an open glafs, without fuch diminution from evaporation, or its mixing with the atmosphere, as to deftroy its inflammable quality.

N° 9th

N° 9th and laft, contains fome further experiments on Pyrophori, by Mr. Bewly; who there defcribes at large the alcaline pyrophorus difcovered by him; and of which he had only spoken in general terms, in a paper printed in the Appendix to the Author's third volume of Obfervations on Air. From the prefent Article. it appears that pyrophori are produced from charcoal combined either with fixed alcali, calces of iron, copper, &c. or earth of alum, nearly pure, without the prefence of the vitriolic acid in any of thefe compofitions; to which laft circumftance M. du Suvigny had afcribed the accenfion of all the pyrophori formed of the abovementioned fubftances combined with that acid.

The few specimens that we have given of the contents of this volume fufficiently characterife it: though we ought further to obferve that, in our review of it, we have omitted even the mention of many other important obfervations contained in it. It does not require the fpirit of divination to foretel that even fuch of the Author's experiments, as may appear the leaft fignificant, contain the germs of new discoveries. Indeed every new fact, related by fo difcerning an obferver, is a valuable depofit thrown into the public flock; the worth of which will be beft perceived by those who are beft qualified to make a proper use of such facts: not only by attending to the lights thrown by them on old or known proceffes; but by profecuting the new ideas which they fuggeft to thofe, who poffefs that fpirit of combination, which is the most fruitful fource of philofophical difcoveries.

ART. II. The Canadian Freeholder: In Three Dialogues between an Englishman and a Frenchman, fettled in Canada. Shewing the Sentiments of the Bulk of the Freeholders of Canada concerning the late Quebeck-Act; with fome Remarks on the Bofton Charter A&t; and an Attempt to fhew the great Expediency of immedi-. ately repealing both thofe Acts of Parliament, and of making fome other ufeful Regulations and Conceffions to his Majelly's American Subjects, as a Ground for a Reconciliation with the United Colo nies in America. 8vo. Vol. I. 5 s. bound. White. 1779.

THE fu

HE fubject of the Dialogue now before us, was touched upon rather than confidered in the preceding Volume *. It is an inquiry concerning the King's fole legiflative authority over countries that are conquered by the British arms, and ceded to the British Crown. In the difcuffion of this important queftion, we wholly lofe fight of The Canadian Freeholder: or at least, this character is funk in the more extenfive one of an English lawyer and hiftorian. If the gravity of the subject did not overpower any fuch irregular ideas, we fhould fufpect that our Author had formed a plot to furprise his readers, into the

For an account of which, fee Review, vol. 57 and 58.

perufal

perufal of a laborious legal argument, and to plunge them at once, without notice, and without preparation, into all the depths and myfteries of jurifprudence. Who would expect to find, under the title prefixed to this work, an elaborate and mafterly confutation of certain pofitions advanced by the Lord Chief Juftice of the King's Bench, in giving judgment in the case of Campbell and Hallt. The event of this much agitated cause is still fresh in the memory of the public. Lord Mansfield did indeed decide it against the crown; but, with a dexterity peculiar to himself, he took care to obviate any inferences which might be drawn from that judgment to its difadvantage; and by establishing, in the broadest terms, the following doctrine, to heal the wound which had feemingly been given by it to the prerogative-royal. His Lordship's propofition was, "That upon the conquest of any country by the British arms, and a fubfequent ceffion of it by its former fovereign to the crown of Great Britain, the King becomes the fole legiflator of fuch country, and has a right to make laws for, and impofe taxes on the inhabitants of it by his fingle authority, without the concurrence of the Parliament; unless the faid authority shall have been previously limited or reftrained by an act of Parliament, antecedent to fuch conqueft and ceffion."

Though this fuppofed right fhould be allowed, we are not fure that the politician of the prefent day need be much alarmed at the confequences. Whatever terrors fuch a doctrine might have excited a century ago, we are inclined to think, that the danger to our political liberties does not grow out of this quarter. His Majefty's faithful commons were lefs complaifant, or lefs dutiful than they are in our times: and it is hardly probable, that an odious branch of the prerogative will be exerted in any inftance of fufficient magnitude to awaken the jealoufy of the people, while the crown can attain all its purposes through the lefs obnoxious medium of an act of Parliament. But our Author thinks otherwife: and it must be confeffed, he maintains his opinion with much ingenuity, and ftrength of argument. As he fuppofes a cafe, which falls, perhaps, within the bounds of probability, he affails the conviction of his readers where conviction is generally moft acceffible;-by alarming their apprehenfions. He conceives, that upon the event of this question concerning the power of the crown to

+ Better known out of Westminster-Hall by the name of The Granada Cavje. Lord Mansfield was of opinion, that the Crown had by the Proclamation of 23d of Oa. 1763, precluded itself from exercifing its right of impofing taxes on the inhabitants of Granada, and had transferred it to the future Governors, Councils, and Af femblies, of the faid ifland.

levy taxes in conquered countries, the fate and political fituation of thoufands, and (if we turn our eyes towards the Eaft Indies) even of millions of people may depend;' nay, he adds, that the fate of the inhabitants of Great Britain does likewife depend upon this queftion; for if the King fhould conquer and keep poffeffion of fome of the rich provinces of Indoftan, and exercife this fuppofed right of levying taxes upon them without the concurrence of his Parliament, he might foon increase his revenue to fuch a degree as to be able to pay his feet and army, and carry on the government without the affiftance of Parliament. And in fuch an event, he might fafely lay afide the ufe of Parliaments, as their meetings depend entirely on his pleasure, there being no law now in force, that authorises the members of either Houfe to meet at a certain time, of their own accord, without the King's fummons or appointment. And if this fhould be done, it is eafy to forefee, that in a few years, the very existence of the British Parliament might be forgot, or become a mere hiftorical event, known only to the fpeculative inquirers into the English history, just as the exiftence of the States-General of France (who once were sharers with the Kings of that country, in the exercise of the legislative authority over it) is now known only to the lawyers and other learned men who inquire into the history of that kingdom.'

Admitting this inftance not to be ftrained, our Author has an undoubted claim to the gratitude of every friend to liberty, for combating a power fo dangerous as that which Lord Mansfield has afcribed to the Crown: but, unluckily, by ftarting this formidable fuppofition, which the wealth of Indoftan arms with fo many terrors, he has raised a ghoft which he finds fome difficulty in laying again. For whatever doubts may have been entertained concerning the authority of the King, to impofe new taxes on the inhabitants of conquered countries, it is generally allowed, that he may collect all the taxes legally exifting in fuch countries at the time of the conqueft, and appropriate them to whatever ufes he may think fit. The confequences of this acknowledged right are not lefs alarming than any that the ufurpation of the fuppofed right, afferted by Lord Mansfield, can be attended with. The well-imagined instance of the rich provinces of Indoftan, is once more introduced by our Author: the wealth of this devoted country is not yet exhausted; and he seems unwilling to leave fo dazzling a prize to the ambition of our monarchs. In purfuing this confideration, he is certainly guilty of digreffing from his fubject. We do not, in general, love digreffions; but as he ftrongly contends, that this is a matter highly proper for parliamentary inveftigation, we cannot, in common decency, refufe to follow fo in

telligent

telligent and argumentative a writer, in what he deems an excurlion of fo much moment.

After mentioning the weak, unwarlike, and difunited state of many of the large provinces of Indoftan, he urges the danger that may arife to our liberties from the exercife of this prerogative, in the following manner:

ENGLISH MAN.

We have feen that the rich provinces of Bengal, Bahar, and Orixa, in that great peninfula, have already, in effect, been reduced to a flate of obedience to the Eat-India company, though they continue, nominally, to be governed by one of their own natives, who is permitted to call himself their nabob, or fovereign. The public revenue collected in thefe three provinces is generally allowed to be three millions fix hundred thousand pounds fterling. This revenue was collected there in the time of the independent nabobs, or fovereigns, of thofe provinces: and therefore, I prefume, the taxes, or rents, out of which it arifes, were impofed upon the inhabitants of them by what was then confidered as the legal authority by which thofe provinces were governed. This revenue has, for thefe eight, or nine, years paft, been received by the East-India company; who have been invefted with the office of Dewan, or public treasurer, of thofe provinces: and they allow a small portion of it (two, or three, hundred thousand pounds a year,) to the nominal, or dependent, Nabob, whom they have permitted, or, rather, appointed, to govern thofe provinces under their protection; and they employ another part of it in the maintenance of their own armies, and forts, and other establishments, civil and military, in that country; and then they divide the remainder of it (over and above what is neceffary for thefe purposes,) amongst themselves, that is, amongst the feveral proprietors of Eat-India ttock. Now let us fuppofe that another fuch conquest should be made in that country by the crown inftead of the Eat-India Company; as for example, a conqueft of the province of Arcot (of which we have lately heard a great deal,) or of the province of Decan: and that the public revenues regularly collected in the country fo conquered fhould amount to three, or four, millions of pounds fterling per annum. Of this large revenue it is probable that, with good management, one or two millions might be fufficient to defray the expences of the civil and military establishments that would be found neceflary for the maintenance of the king's authority and the administration of government in the faid country; and confequently that two millions of pounds fterling might be remitted every year to England, to be difpofed of as the king fhould pleafe. There is nothing in this fuppofition that is at all improbable; nor would the making fuch a new conqueft, and the acquifition of fuch a new revenue, by the Crown be at all inconfiftent with the rights of the Eaft-India Company, or their enjoyment of the acquifitions they have already made of the provinces of Bengal, Bahar, and Orixa. Now, with fuch an annual increase of the royal revenue, the Crown might either govern the British nation without the affillance of parliament, (as king Charles the Fir did during the pace of eleven years, till the people had almoft for

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