circumftance of human actions. The history of m kind teaches this leffon in every page and if we lea it, we fhall, by the mercies of heaven, do well. we do not learn it, we fhall not do well. This nee no prefumptuous spirit of prophefy, but plain, comm fenfe, and obfervation.

But we ought not to establish general principles, a reft fatisfied. If we furvey this fubject minutely, v thall find the particular neglect of infants, and the negle of marriages, are the two ruling caufes of our distress. I am, Sir, yours, J. H

WE

¥ * ****

Origin of Registers,

LETTER X.

E ought on this occafion to enquire into the history of life and death, from the origin of regifters, and try if we can draw any ufeful conclufions in politics or morals.

:

The parish regifters in England began no earlier than in 1538, in confequence of one of the seventeen injunctions fet forth in that year, in the name of King Henry VIII. by the Lord Thomas Cromwell, his Vice-gerent in ecclefiaftical matters; which “injunc

ffrife on the 21 Dec. 1592," a divat går bo of H It is neceffary to premise that it was not till near the close of the last century, and one third advanced in this, that feventeen of the parishes which conftitute a part of the present bills of mortality, were included. These were not then near fo confiderable as they are but whatever their extent might be, their omiffion is an aggravation of our lofs, there being fo much a greater diminution upon a leffer number of inhabitants, viz. ✨ St. James's Weftmiafter, was included in

St. Ann's

St. George, Hanover Square

1685 1686

St. George, Bloomsbury

St. John the Evangelist

1729

1731

1731

With others of leffer note at different times. This

will prove that the diminution was greater than appears;

for if more were buried than were born, on a leffer englule number, the greater the evil on eater the evil on a greater number which

these particular parishes contained, and which it cannot be fuppofed were in more happy circumstances than the rest.

To begin from the earliest time, we may conclude that these cities were then very populous, and, as the feat of empire, the conflux of great numbers of people.

So ftands the account; but it is probable that mo died of the Plague, and fewer of other diftempers, unle we grant there were then full half as many inhabitan as at this time.

It is now one hundred years fince we were afflicte with a plague; but, from 1593 to 1666, the bills of mo tality give account of people's dying of this diftemper, a if it were as common as fevers. You will fee prefently that in 1603, this disease raged very grievously; and tha thefe cities were hardly ever free of it till the great fire i 1666. The houses, as we yet fee, were built over-hang ing, and the ftreets narrow and confined. Perhaps ou intemperance, or the custom of eating much flefh, t which we are addicted; our violence in labor or exer cife; the lands then undrained in the flats of Effex, o other fecret caufes, might contribute to produce a fpot ted fever. This always encreased with the plague, and again decreased with it, so that it feemed to be the fame kind of disease; and as purples only appeared in fome who had the reputed plague, without buboes or carbuncles, and the common fever alfo encreased with it. this epidemical diftemper, which it was fo difficult totally to fubdue, feemed to arife from the fame caufe.

Or, if we judge from the length of time which it prevailed, beyond what is ufual in eaftern countries,

we

we may afcribe it to our clothing; our want of lavations as in the Eaftern parts; our very furniture, fo much more apt to receive the contagion than theirs; and, in a word, to our manner of living, as well as to infection accidentally introduced.

Though we have not at present any fuch diftemper,

yet we fee vaft numbers fwept off by other diseases which gain an ascendency. In 1000 I find there die by the bills as follows:

If a general innoculation of young and old, and as faft as infants are born, were to take place, it is probable not 8 in 1000 would die of the Small-Pox.

As to Convulfions, they relate chiefly to infants, of whom fo many more die in thefe cities than the common proportion, This must be imputed to bad nurfing, or bad air, to the laboring poor living in confined places to filthiness, or to the debauchery of mothers among the common people.

A

Confumptions comprehend the effects of venereal complaints, as I fee by those poor wretches who die in the Magdalen Houfe, ten in eleven of thofe that die going off in this diftemper. But confumptions fweep off fome whom nature hath formed too delicately for their unequal manner of living. Improper cloathing, and putrified air, in public affemblies, as well as irregular reft, contribute to this difeafe. But it is an obfervation of

the

than others, yet fewer of them die of Confumption in proportion, than of people who live in affluence.

Under these heads now die 68 in 100, whereas. 1632 they conveyed to the grave only 40, and of Co vulfions in 1000, only 24. In other refpects the di erence is inconfiderable, and seems to be more in t name given to diforders, than in fubftance.

Lam, yours, &c. J. H

Antient Regifters continued, with Remarks.

LETTER

XI.

A

FTER the year 1593 the earliest accounts o births and burials registered in thefe cities, ac

cording to the beft authority, ftand thus:

Sac

Dead ex

Year. Chriftened Buried. Died of the clufive of

the

Christened

more than buried, plague ex. cepted.

plague.

plague.