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No one, however, was more sensitive to place an atmosphere, and his characters never wander in a gray region of the mind. The truth about his settings is that we can hardly find anywhere a more subtle picturing of scene. To read his books is to travel in your chair. In the early stories, perhaps, you travel too consciously-you see things, one after the other, as they would present themselves to an explorer of the notable and picturesque. But the deeper Henry James goes into persons, the more sensitive becomes his treatment of place. It is given by intimation rather than description, by a passing image or impression which conveys irresistibly the gleam or cloudiness of London mornings, the cool floors and pearly sky of Venice, or Paris with its sharp tang of the present and the unfailing dream of its past. These are urban landscapes, but when Henry James allows someone a long day in the country our expectations are equally sure to be fulfilled. His restraint and even indirectness in these matters are a lesson in art, for his places have the sense of being lived in, not described.

In fact he gives us the sociability of nature, and this, after all, is an aspect not to be ignored. He searched the face of things for that human interest which was his own unfailing motive. Sociability is a poor word to express this quality; yet there is a social verve of communication of conversation, even in the peculiar gusto of his work. His gusto is inseparably part of him; not even Dickens seems to be enjoying him

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self more thoroughly, or to convey a a more infectious relish as he writes. This is the mark of a delightful expressiveness, and sometimes a dangersignal; everyone must feel that there are moments when Henry James's capacity runs away with him. Then we no longer get his ideal, imaginative truth, for he has strayed from this central light toward the whimsical. And when this happens, there is always some defect of form; we feel, as in The Sacred Fount, that we are being given either too little or too much.

Criticism will sift and discriminate his work, completing what he began; but it must always return, we fancy, to the core of universal truth in him. That should be secure against all change of date or fashion. He will take his place in the historical perspective, as he has begun to do already; but the subjects and setting that he chose will be seen for what they actually werea means of expressing his own attitude and values. Even in a different day from ours he can scarcely pass for a mere worshiper of traditions or a rococo novelist of manners. This permanent strength belongs to him because, without preaching or philosophizing, he went so deeply into the relations between one human spirit and another. There he unlocked a new kingdom of the heart and mind, and enriched life's possibilities. 'Homo homini deus est,' said a latin moralist, ‘si suum officium sciat.' What Henry James did was to present this human virtue, not as a duty, but as the highest of interests. and adventures.

GLIMPSES OF ANGORA

From Frankfurter Zeitung Wochenblatt, June 1 (RADICAL LIBERAL WEEKLY)

I HAVE just completed a difficult and adventurous journey with one of the high officials of the Nationalist government, through the Anatolian plateau to the new Turkish capital. It formerly took about twenty hours to cover the three hundred and twenty-five miles from Haidar Pasha to Angora. It required eighteen days for us to make the journey.

Angora has greatly changed since Mustapha Kemal made it his capital last summer. Parliament has decided to rebuild the city in a way worthy of its new dignity, and has commissioned a Hungarian engineer to be the L'Enfant of the new seat of government. That gentleman has taken Budapest for his model. The old town, with its narrow and irregular streets, clings to the declivities of a volcanic hill crowned by an ancient citadel. Between this elevation and a neighboring height, which in turn is crowned by a famous a famous mausoleum, is a deep cañon, through which flows one of the three streams that furnish water to the town. The new engineer proposes to place government buildings on the latter height, and to surround them by a new and modern city quarter.

The Turkish Department of Public Works has taken up the new project vigorously. Plenty of labor is available, and most building materials are abundant. Some three thousand laborers are already at work upon the first part of the project a road something less than a mile long leading from the railway station to the centre of the town. It is proposed to place the new department buildings along this main highway,

as well as several of the finer residences. Up to the present, however, these building sites are mostly occupied by the camps of the various more or less nomadic missions which have come from different Mohammedan countries. The only structure as yet completed is a large private residence, in which Parliament holds its sessions. Two rows of plane trees border this avenue, which has been christened 'Independence Boulevard.' Just before sunset, the chivalry and fashion of Angora promenade along the avenue. Here you meet, not only local dignitaries, but many a familiar face from Stamboul and Pera, and picturesque Moslem delegates from the remotest confines of the Islamic world.

In the city park, near the railway station, the foundations for a national theatre are already being laid. A large hotel and the buildings of the new university are also under construction. Several train-loads of building materials arrive daily from the neighboring quarries.

However, the largest project of all concerns draining the neighboring swamps, and filling and leveling the site for the new city quarter. Pernicious malaria is endemic in Angora, on account of the marshes that surround it; and most people who are able to do so remove every summer to country homes in the neighboring mountains. Mustapha Kemal himself has had several attacks of malignant fever. The Minister of Agriculture is exerting every effort to extend the excellent vineyards that occupy the two valleys north of the city, and to reforest the neighboring heights.

Wide avenues have been cut through those portions of the old town which were swept by the great fire of 1915. The work of rebuilding this section is being pushed, in order to relieve the housing shortage. Street-railways are under construction. Since last October electric lights have been in operation. All the streets are well illuminated. However, the current is cut off at halfpast twelve at night, in order to economize coal. That is the curfew hour, after which no one is allowed abroad.

Angora street-life is most picturesque. One meets here representatives from every tribe and country in Asia. Hardly a street-corner is without its shop, restaurant, or hotel, mostly run by people who have migrated here from Stamboul. The principal library of the latter city has also been transferred to the new capital. Angora already has a theatre, where patriotic dramas are presented, and two movie shows. A military band plays in the city park every evening.

No women are allowed to reside in Angora unless they can produce evidence that they are lawfully employed. A special police force, consisting partly of women, enforces this law and other laws for the protection of public morals and social welfare. Even as it is, the free and easy manners of the recently emancipated Mohammedan women outrage the sentiment of the strict believer.

Women are given many new liberties by the Nationalist government, and many opportunities to become independent, which they knew nothing of in old Turkey. They are taking a very useful part in the economic, sanitary, and educational work of the new government. Several have been invited to give expert testimony before Parliament regarding questions in which they are best informed. Among them is a wellknown authoress and champion of women's rights, Halidee Edib Hanem,

wife of Dr. Adnan Bey, chief of the Public-Health Service.

This lady frequently gathers together a group of literary people at her husband's country estate, a few miles north of the city, where one is likely to meet really talented company and to hear brilliant conversation. I entirely forgot, at this charming home, that I was in the middle of Anatolia. However, Halidee Edib Hanem exceeded the bounds of what public opinion as yet permits Turkish ladies, when she donned a volunteer's uniform and rode unveiled and fully armed to the railway station, to greet the high officials in our party. She was speedily sent back home, and forbidden to appear in public for at least a week. Remarkable to say, the strong-headed little lady obeyed.

Cabinet officers are called 'Commissars' after the Moscow model. They are all housed in the old government building, which is so small that each of them has only two or three rooms for his whole department. The narrow quarters of the Commissioner of Foreign Affairs are constantly crowded by numerous foreign missions from other Mohammedan countries- Afghanistan, Central Asia, Arabia, India, Tripoli, and elsewhere. The Kemalist flag

a red banner with a green crescent and star, the holy color of Islam - flies over the roof. Soldiers in complete field equipment guard the entrance. Others patrol every floor of the building. Soldiers and officials alike wear the newly adopted black sheepskin cap copied from the Kirgish kalpak. The men are well clothed and equipped. They are fed excellently, their rations including meat, rice, vegetables, and jam. Common soldiers are paid five Turkish pounds a month.

When Mustapha Kemal is in Angora, he appears at the government offices every morning, to receive reports. He has selected for his private residence

one of the prettiest villas in the town. It is on a height not far from the railway station, and though modest, is very comfortable.

While the cost of living in Angora is for the most part much lower than in Constantinople, European goods are excessively dear.

The representatives of the Moscow Soviet government and their numerous retinue occupy a large place in the

public eye. They are treated with exceptional respect. Their head men are courteous and polished gentlemen. So far as I was able to learn, they are careful to refrain from Bolshevist propaganda, for which there is, in fact, very little room in Anatolia. None the less, they keep themselves busily employed, and they unquestionably exercise a powerful influence upon both the government and the Parliament.

THE SOCIAL STRUGGLE IN ARGENTINA

BY FELIX BAGEL

From Berliner Tageblatt, May 26
(RADICAL LIBERAL DAILY)

SCARCELY a day passes here in Buenos Aires without a bomb outrage. The police are practically helpless. In only one instance have they captured the guilty parties and broken up an extensive bomb-factory. People attribute these crimes to anarchists; but that is only a general term for the dark power against which the government is struggling. All these outrages are part of a Communist campaign of terror, to attain certain social objects. Real anarchists would direct their attacks against public buildings. But all the bombing has occurred in private establishments, where the employees are on strike, where certain labor organizations are under boycott, and where strike-breakers are at work. This indicates plainly enough that the terrorists are fighting for social ends.

No violent political outbreaks have occurred. The only incident resembling one was the so-called 'bloody week' in January, 1919. But the political aspect of those disorders was exaggerated for

local party purposes. The Social Democratic Party of Argentina had no connection with 'bloody week,' nor is it implicated in the present bomb outrages. No one imagines that it sympathizes with such acts. Neither is there a true Communist Party here, such as we have in Germany. The socalled 'International' and 'Argentine' Socialists play no important rôle. The Social Democrats are divided, as they are everywhere else, between adherents of the Second International and of the Third International. At the National Socialist Convention, held at Bahia Blanca last January, to decide whether the organization should ally itself with Geneva or with Moscow, the vote stood 5013 to 3656 in favor of Geneva. Of the eight Socialist members of Congress, however, at least two are Bolsheviki. The only Socialist senator also belongs to that party. So we have a well-defined division, which will, sooner or later, produce an open break.

The real power behind the labor move

ment is the trade-unions, which have grown remarkably during the past few years. The Federación Obrera Regional Argentina, called for short 'Fora' [which resembles in a general way the American Federation of Labor], already has a Communist rival of the same name. Efforts to unite the two have failed. The Social Democratic Party has been unsuccessful in its efforts to control the policy of this federation. It has likewise failed in its endeavor to influence the programme of the second great labor association, the Federación Obrera Maritima, or maritime workers' federation, which is abbreviated into 'Fom.' The last society has become the dominant force in the social struggle. Its leaders have been able to paralyze river and coastwise traffic for thirteen consecutive months, and to interrupt harbor service wholly or partially whenever they desire. Since leadership in the class-struggle has now fallen almost entirely into the hands of these three federations, their divisions and policies are likely to determine the divisions and policies of future labor delegations in Parliament. Each of these three federations is controlled by its executive officers, who pay little regard to the wishes of the rank and file of the members. These officers order strikes and boycotts at will, and not always from purely disinterested motives. They can decree a boycott against a business house or factory without calling a strike. The employees continue to work and to pay their contributions to the union treasury. But Fom officials paralyze the firm's business by forbidding members of the union to load or unload any goods which the firm ships or receives by water. Most business houses here are largely dependent upon ocean or river carriage. The bomb outrages are generally attributed to the Communist Fora, because of the latter's professed Bolshevist sympathies.

These federations could never have acquired their present power if the government had not been incredibly apathetic. This also explains why the radicals and extremists have displaced the Socialists at the helm of the labor movement. The administration can plead the inexcusable dilatoriness of Congress in dealing with proposed laws regarding strikes, arbitration, the protection of independent laborers, and the abuse of the boycott. In 1919 the government was authorized to take charge of the harbor and lighter service in case commerce were threatened with paralysis by a new strike. It has used this power on several occasions, with fair success, when oversea commerce was at stake. However, it refused to interfere with the boycotts against the Mihanovich Company, which has a monopoly of river-transportation, and against several coastal shipping companies, although these boycotts have been in force thirteen months. The result has been to raise prices decidedly throughout the interior, and to hamper the export of domestic produce.

When an agreement was finally concluded between these companies and the Fom, the latter claimed a number of rights which really usurp the powers of the government. For instance, it insisted that all bills-of-lading be submitted to its representatives, in order that they may know whether consignments from or to boycotted firms are being carried. All that is needed to start a boycott is for some member of the Fom, which includes practically all maritime and wharf-workers, from ship captains down to stevedores, to be discharged, or for a company to employ less than the number of workers prescribed by the Fom.

Another demand of this organization recently caused a sensational episode. It insisted that only members of the union should be employed on any ves

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