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in the British Review of the Foreign Press as follows:

The State of the Serbs, Croatians, and Slovenians (S. H. S.) is a constitutionalparliamentary and hereditary monarchy. The official language is Serbo-Croat-Slovene. The King promulgates the laws, approves officials, and confers military rank in accordance with the law, is the supreme head of the land and sea forces; has the right of amnesty and pardon; and has power to declare war and conclude peace. Except when the country is attacked, he may declare war only with the consent of Parliament. He may not become the head of any other State without the consent of Parliament. No act of the royal power takes effect unless countersigned by the minister responsible. The King of the Serbians, Croatians, and Slovenes is Peter I of the House of Karageorgevich, and his heir is Prince Alexander. The Crown devolves upon the descendants of the latter in the male line by order of primogeniture. The King takes the oath to Parliament to maintain the national unity and the integrity of the State, and to respect its constitution and laws. Parliament consists of a single Chamber elected for four years by direct universal suffrage, in the proportion of one deputy to every 50,000 inhabitants. The representation of national minorities is guaranteed. The King may dissolve Parliament by decree, countersigned by all the ministers, which decree provides for holding elections within three, and the reassembling of Parliament within four months at the latest. Religious liberty is guaranteed. All religions recognized by law are equal and may be publicly exercised. The credits voted for religion are distributed among the various religions in proportion to their needs and the number of their followers. No minister of religion may carry on political propaganda when in the exercise of his functions. The State of the Serbians, Croatians, and Slovenes forms a single unified state. Special provisional enactments provide for the conversion of the federal régime in existence during the pre-constitutional period into an equal and uniform administrative system.

Among the matters which engaged the attention of the Convention was

the official name of the new country, which has grouped around the ancient Serbian kingdom. Yugoslavia, or 'Southslavland,' was a name popularized during the war, to describe an ethnographic theory and to designate a political movement. Since the limits of the new kingdom have been defined, this term has ceased to do either of these things; for all the South Slavs are not embraced within the present frontiers of that government, nor are all the citizens of that government South Slavs. Meanwhile, however, the word has acquired a political meaning. It is, to quote L'Europe Nouvelle, 'redolent of separatism.' It is the favorite name of those who would submerge the old Serbian kingdom in the larger whole. The Serbs themselves are sticklers for another name, eventually incorporated in the constitution. This is the rather awkward designation, 'the State of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes.' The new name had previously become common in official usage, especially in accrediting foreign ministers. The Serbs anticipate the eventual elimination of 'Croats and Slovenes,' and the resumption of the old name, Serbia, as the sole name of the new state.

AS GERMANS SEE THE ORIENT

Vossische Zeitung prints, almost simultaneously, appraisals of conditions in Japan and China by its veteran correspondents in those countries. Erich von Salzmann writes from Tokyo, in April, that Japan does not seek war, but is mentally and materially prepared to extract the utmost profit out of the last war. An old acquaintance, now chief of the information section of the Japanese Foreign Office, told him in a recent interview that Japan was abandoning its aggressive policy toward China; that it would set up a civilian government in Yap, and that

it would make satisfactory arrangements with the other powers regarding the cables. Realizing that sentiment in China was hostile to Japan, the policy of Tokyo would be for the present a passive one. This correspondent fancies that Japanese officials are willing to discuss questions of policy with foreigners more frankly than before the war. He describes a pacifist procession of eighty thousand men, which marched through Tokyo on May 1, to protest against war propaganda. Salzmann believes that it will require several generations for Japan thoroughly to assimilate its recent territorial acquisitions. He accuses American correspondents in the East of courting sensations, and exaggerating Japan's aggressive spirit. The dependence of that country upon the rest of the world has been greatly increased by its recent industrial development. The uninterrupted receipt of raw materials from abroad and access to foreign markets are necessary to keep its factories running and to prevent wholesale unemployment and distress. Consequently, new industrial interest is strongly pacifist.

Writing from Peking, about the same date, Dr. Waldemar Oehlke, professor of German literature at Peking University, gives a rather pessimistic view of political conditions in China, which he describes as having gone from bad to worse since the death of President Yuan Shih-Kai in 1916. The great provinces exhibit a tendency to secede and to set up independent governments. Mongolia revolted last December, partly at the instigation of Russian reactionaries, who wished to use that region as a base of operations against the Bolsheviki. The financial situation is very bad. Government officials sometimes have to wait months for their pay. At last the teachers organized and struck in order to enforce

their demands for a special educational budget, which would ensure the regular continuance of the schools. The students at the university joined the faculty in the strike. Professor Oehlke assembled his classes at his own residence, and taught them privately. At the time of writing all regular university courses were suspended.

The Peking correspondent of the Peking and Tientsin Times sends to his paper an interesting paragraph describing certain phases of intellectual life in the Chinese capital, as illustrated by the recent teachers' strike. The teachers are split into two factions.

One is composed of a number of youthful educators who received part of their education in Europe or America, and who seek to monopolize the government educational system and reform it to their way of thinking. This faction has already been divided over the publication of a book called 'Vernacular Poetries,' and the two divisions are devoting their time to hurling broadsides of denunciation at each other. The other faction is led by a number of agitators from the South, who have come here with the

avowed intention of trying to induce the government teachers to move to the South and there establish new schools, which shall be either privately operated or run at the Canton 'Government's' expense. Wu Tingfang, who is behind a move for a new university in the South, is said to be anxious to enlist the Peking government teachers part of them, that is for his faculty. The element led by the Southerners seems to be the most radical, and it is a wellknown fact that at least one of these Southern agitators camped up here expressly to preach the gospel of Communism to the strikers. However, he has met with little response thus far, the reason being that it became known that only recently he was driven out of Kwangsi by the people of that province for his Bolshevist tendencies.

Commenting upon this, the Herald of Asia says: 'It is interesting to notice that the shrewd Southern leaders are cleverly taking advantage of the Pek

ing government's financial trouble, in order to invite the intellectuals to move southward to Canton, where they are assured of better treatment.'

ITALY'S GREEN BOOK

THE Italian government has just published a Green Book giving a history of the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Rapallo, thus exhibiting most commendable promptness in informing the public of the motives and conditions which determined that covenant. The volume discloses the fact that the Italian representatives were ready more than a year ago to put the city of Fiume in escrow, so to speak. However, Italy preferred that the trustees of the port should be representatives of 'states having a direct interest' in its commerce, instead of the League of Nations. Additional interest is given the volume by the official text of a convention annexed to the Treaty, by which the contracting powers stipulate that they will act together to prevent the restoration of the House of Hapsburg to the throne of Austria and Hungary. In this matter the new treaty and its annexes create a virtual alliance of the two Adriatic powers.

CARPENTIER AND DEMPSEY

THE Continental press was disposed to regard the recent prize fight in Jersey City as a quasi-political event. La Nation Belge comments:

It will be in a way a combat between a representative of the ancient Latin race and the man who symbolizes the physical prestige of the young American nation. . . If Carpentier should triumph over Dempsey in this match, where the supremacy of two races may be considered as at stake... the Frenchman's victory will doubtless have an enormous influence upon the future relations of the United States of America with the continental nations of Europe.

L'Europe Nouvelle says:

From the point of view of propaganda, the importance of such a result [Carpentier's victory] cannot be overestimated. No one in Europe has been able to stand up before Carpentier; but the American champions have always been considered superior to those of the old world. If Dempsey is knocked out, it will finish this title to glory hitherto monopolized by the United States.

These journals recognize the generous reception that Carpentier received in our country.

KARL AT BUDAPEST

THROUGH the kindness of an American correspondent, we have received the following correction of an account of Karl's recent visit at Budapest, which we quoted from the London Telegraph in our issue of May 14. This somewhat less dramatic report rests upon the authority of a private letter received by our correspondent from a very high official of the Hungarian Government, and is presumably ac

curate:

The King reached Budapest about one o'clock P.M., by motor-car from Steinamanger. He went at once to the house of the Premier, where he expected to find Count Teleki and Joseph Vass, Minister of Education, who had been at Steinamanger with him the night before, and had left before

him, in order to bring the report to the Re

gent, and prepare him for the visit of the King. It happened, however, that the chauffeur of the Premier, not knowing the shortest way, took a longer one, and the King's motor-car, which was of greater speeding capacity, reached Budapest an hour before them, and His Majesty was informed there that the Premier had not arrived as yet. Having no intention of surprising the Regent, Charles sent to him Count Sigray, Governor of West Hungary, who had come from Steinamanger with him, to report his arrival. In a short time Sigray returned with the aide-de-camp of the Regent, who led the way to him. The Regent

received the King with great emotion, but beyond that there are no details, as every one was immediately dismissed from the

room.

The King talked with the Regent for two and a half hours, nobody being present; hence all accounts of what was said are guesswork or inventions. Before the conference was finished, the members of the Cabinet had assembled in the ante-chamber of the Regent, but not one was admitted to the conference. At the end of this time the King left the palace without seeing anyone, entered his car, and departed for Steinamanger, where he arrived after considerable delay, as the car had mishap after mishap, at five o'clock Monday morning.'

MR. MCKENNA ON REPARATIONS

THE British liberal press is featuring the recent criticisms by Mr. McKenna, former head of the Berlin Treasury Department and now Managing Director of the London City and Midland Bank, of the reparation agreement with Germany, in which he said that the present proposals 'must inevitably result in an enormous development, of industrial power in Germany, which is bound to prejudice the manufacturing interests of the countries which receive this payment.' He would prefer a large reduction in the ultimate total to be paid by Germany, providing the reduced sum were paid in raw materials, such as coal, timber, potash, and sugar, instead of directly or indirectly in manufactured goods. The British comment upon this deliverance seems to converge in the conclusion that, long before the term during which the reparation payments run has ended, 'Germany will have developed an industrial power which must have its political equivalent — industrially and politically. She will be in a position in which neither the Allies jointly,

nor any one of them separately, will be able to exact this enormous tribute from her. The attempt to exact it will be an immense stimulus to her recovery in the earlier years . . . and the recovery will be a complete protection for her in the later years.'

THE London Morning Post prints the following rhymed comment upon President Harding's statement: 'I want our America to have nothing to do with any nation that is not willing to sit at a table and show its cards.'

'President Harding's kind regards' (Vide the latest cable),

'And will all nations put their cards Face upwards on the table?'

'Ah! President, your "Ah! President, your breath you waste.

Long time the stricken nations The only game where cards are faced Have played the game of Patience.'

MANY Americans are aware that the Bethlehem Steel Company has recently acquired control of extensive iron mines in Chile. The ores are very rich sixty-eight to seventy per cent of iron, with a minimum of sulphur or phosphorus. Indeed, they are superior even to Swedish ores. It is also generally known that transportation arrangements have been perfected for the wholesale delivery of these ores at American ports. Germany is now entering the same field, and her industrialists are acquiring rights which will enable them both to import large quantities of Chile's ore for their German furnaces, and to manufacture Bessemer iron extensively in Chile itself. The government of that country is naturally very favorable to the latter project.

BY SIR GEOFFREY BUTLER, K. B. E.

[Sir Geoffrey Butler, Fellow and Prælector in Diplomatic History at Cambridge University, is well known to a large number of Americans as the Director of the British Bureau of Information in this country during the war. The following passages are taken from an address which he delivered at a recent meeting of the London Royal Society of Arts which was presided over by Lord Bryce.]

From The Journal of the Royal Society of Arts, June 3
(LONDON LEARNED SOCIETY WEEKLY)

No one who appreciates what AngloAmerican friendship might mean can be happy at the present position of AngloAmerican relations. One of the most dispiriting articles upon this subject that I have ever read was from the pen of one who claimed to be an optimist. The gist of it lay in the contention that no subject for difference of opinion between the United States and England at the present day could compare in importance with those that had existed between the countries during the American Civil War. Gracious heavens, how comforting! Read the autobiography known as The Education of Henry Adams: his gloomy, bad-tempered, but fascinating, description of that cat-anddog period, provides a useful commentary on anyone who would take it as the standard from which to measure the relation of those who for two years, and for almost identical reasons, have fought together the greatest war of history. Now the points that may conceivably estrange the two nations are several; but looking away from such matters as the exploitation of the world's oil resources, the regulations governing the Panama Canal, or rivalry in the carrying trade of the World, — important enough matters in themselves, but all of the kind of questions that have in the past proved patient of diplomatic adjustment, there are

two directions along which the action of the United States Administration will be carefully watched in this country by every man or woman who reads

a newspaper.

The great American Admiral Mahan, writing of the Monroe Doctrine, speaks of it as bearing witness to, and as having developed in the United States a 'national sensitiveness' as to the entanglement of transatlantic powers in cisatlantic affairs. The phrase is suggestive in any discussion as to the nature of that Doctrine. It is helpful when one is speaking of the British attitude of mind as to any challenge to British naval strength. Rightly, generations of history have fixed firmly in the British consciousness a 'national sensitiveness' as to sea power. For them it is vital to be supreme at sea; for other nations it may be desirable, but it is, in comparison, a luxury. In chance utterances as to naval strength, American pronouncements are, and for some months have been, giving food for much thought over in this land, in fishing hamlet or pit village as much as in the greater centres of population. There is hardly a single section of the community left unaffected by such talk and thought. Add to this the fact that at least one section of the nation sees with little short of horror the virtual withdrawal of the United States from all the re

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