self at the head of two insurgent regi- | Palmella, was preparing the promised ments, and hastened to join the king, who immediately gave him the command of a division in the army of which Dom Miguel was the chief. The immediate result of the movement was the formation of the Palmella ministry, which restored temporary quiet by promising a modification of the constitution. Saldanha addressed a letter to the major-general of the forces, setting forth that he had left his prison from the purest motives. Now, however, that his Majesty, fortunately, is replaced upon his throne, with the same prerogatives with which his ancestors occupied it; now that the anarchical faction is broken up, whose endeavors were to submerge the nation in a similar vortex of horrors and atrocities, as that in which France was torn to pieces in the time of the Convention; and, consequently, the noble aim, which H.R.H. the Infante, commander-in-chief, had in view, is attained, I should fail in my duty if I did not address his Royal Highness, requesting him to be pleased to name the officer who is to substitute me in the command of the troops he was pleased to entrust to me, so that I may return to the prison I left. It soon became clear that "the noble aim" which H.R.H. the Infante, in con cert with his royal mother and his royal uncle (Ferdinand of Spain) had in view, was absolutism, and that the king, who was a little more than a cipher in their hands, had on one occasion answered a popular or military call by appearing at a window of the palace with his daughters and exclaiming: "Since you wish it, since the country desires it, Viva el rei absoluto." All therefore that could be said for Saldanha, when subsequently accused of having served under Dom Miguel is, that he went with him no further than loyalty required. The answer of the major-general was that he was ordered to inform him that the king "is much pleased with his conduct, both with respect to the step he took in quitting his prison for such purpose, and to his wish to return to the same, from which his Majesty is pleased to release him." In the course of the same month (June) he was appointed to the command of a force of seven or eight thousand men in the Alemtejo, to protect the frontier from an anticipated invasion of the Spanjards, but he resigned this command on the 5th of October following, in consequence of the honors showered on an absolutist who had made open profession of his creed. He retired in good time, for whilst a Junta, under the presidency of changes, Dom Miguel, still commander-inchief, commenced a fresh reign of violence, denounced constitutional government, arrested its most distinguished supporters, including Palmella, and exacted a written approval of his proceedings from the king, who was so beside himself with terror that, according to a current story, when the foreign ministers fairly forced their way into his presence to be assured of his personal safety, they found him on his knees, and on seeing the French minister, M. Hyde de Neuville, he exclaimed: "How glad I am that it is you! I thought it was my sentence of death." By the advice of the diplomatic body the king took refuge on board a British man-of-war, the "Windsor Castle," from which he issued a manifesto, supposed to be the composition of Palmella, who, by some unexplained means, had managed to rejoin his sovereign. This manifesto reversal of the situation. It condemned produced or rather implied a complete in the strongest terms the recent conduct of Dom Miguel, and declared that he must quit the country before his Majesty would risk his sacred person by returning on shore. Dom Miguel embarked for Brest on the 13th of May, and the day following the king landed amidst the acclamations of his subjects, whose affections veered about with a rapidity which can only be accounted for on the supposition that the majority were floating between the opposite extremes and had no criterion of men or measures but success. The queenmother also received notice to quit the kingdom, and with difficulty evaded compliance with the mandate. Dom Miguel, who wished to take up his abode at Paris, was at length induced to repair to Vienna, where he was most out of the way of mischief, and the Austrian government was earnestly requested to keep watch over him. A brief summary of historical events is indispensable from time to time to make Saldanha's position intelligible. On the 7th of September, 1824, Palmella, minister for foreign affairs, officially made known to his diplomatic agents abroad the bases of the constitution projected by the Junta under his presidency. Its character may be collected from two clauses: from the towns and cities will unite (each class I. The clergy, the nobility, and the deputies separately) in order to deliberate, with closed doors, on the subjects which the government will present for their discussion. They will exercise no share of the legislative power, and | it. And, therefore, I am determined, if the inwill only enjoy the privilege of being consulted, or listened to, by the king. 5. The three Estates will be convoked when his Majesty thinks proper; and will be dissolved in the same manner. This constitution, although falling far short of the demands of even the moderate section of the Liberal party, produced no commotion on its first announcement, and does not appear to have influenced Saldanha in his connection with the court or the authorities for the time being. In April, 1825, he accepted the appointment of military governor of Oporto, and inaugurated his rule by refusing the customary Bribes in the shape of wine, hams, etc. The good people of Oporto must have had the same reason for entertaining a favorable remembrance of him as the inhabitants of Rio Grande. "Previous to his arrival constant robberies were committed in the streets, in private houses, and even in the very churches, by bands of organized miscreants. In less than a month as many as sixty-three of these criminals were in prison, and the robber ies ceased." By the death of the king (John VI.), March 10, 1826, the crown of Portugal devolved on his eldest son, Pedro, already emperor of Brazil, who by the laws of both countries was obliged to elect between the two. The news of his accession reached him at Rio de Janeiro, where his first act was to confirm his sister, Isabel trigues of Spain and Russia prevail, to put myself at the head of the troops of all the northern provinces, of whose obedience I am sure, and act according to the orders of my king. The name of the king appears to have been used indiscriminately by all parties with or without the royal sanction, much the Parliamentarians so long as there was as in our Great Rebellion it was used by the semblance of a monarchy. Saldanha The Charter arrived on the 7th of July, on this occasion did not wait for orders. but the proclamation was delayed, and the regent was hesitating, when he wrote to her to state that, if the oaths were not taken by the 31st, he would publicly take them himself and compel the taking of them in all the northern provinces on that day. This bold proceeding was justified by the result. It was accepted as a diswith gave orders that the oaths should be play of loyalty by the Infanta, who forthtaken throughout the kingdom on or by the day named by him. Saldanha never permitted his light to be hidden under a bushel: he was a voluminous writer of letters and despatches, recapitulating the services he had renand he rarely misses an opportunity of dered in critical emergencies. It happens fortunately that his pièces justificatives are addressed to persons well qualified to verify his statements, and although they have an air of self-glorification, their substantial accuracy may be assumed. Reverting to these events four years after their occurrence in a letter to the king, he writes: Maria, in the regency of Portugal, which she held under their father; and three days afterwards he formally granted the Charter known as the Charter of 1826, Without this, my firm resolution and deterwhich the English minister at Rio, Sirmination, the constitutional Charter would Charles Stuart, undertook to convey to Lisbon. This charter was a triumph for Liberalism. On being apprised of it Saldanha wrote from Oporto to Sir William A'Court, the English minister at Lisbon, to urge the importance of having it proclaimed without delay, and to declare the line of conduct he had marked out for I have become a dead letter: the throne of her Majesty D. Maria II., so intimately connected with the fundamental law of that Charter, would quickly have seized the sceptre: and the aunot have been secured: D. Miguel would gust mother of your Majesty would have remained Princess of Grand Pará. The inauguration of the Charter led to himself in case of any attempt to disap- the formation of a new ministry, in which point the just expectations of the people. who signalized his administration by plac the War Office was assigned to Saldanha, They do me justice. They know I am ready ing the army on a much-improved footing. to give my life for their welfare. They trust A few days after granting the Charter, will direct them right; and with the greatest Pedro, electing for Brazil, abdicated the docility have followed my advice. I shall be throne of Portugal in favor of his daugh consistent with my principles, and will answer their confidence. The one who has been acter, D. Maria da Gloria, upon two conknowledged the legitimate sovereign has given ditions: I, that the reception of the us a constitution. Our noble ally, Great Brit- Charter in Portugal should be officially ain, approves it; (else Sir Charles Stuart would made known before she left Rio; 2, that not be its bearer). The Brazils will maintain she should be betrothed with a view to a At porto, a similar agitation broke out; and I hear that, from different parts of the kingdom, Highness, requesting my return to the minrepresentations have been addressed to her istry: and I can readily believe it; for when, after the 1st of May, I reassumed the functions of minister of war, all the military bodies, and nearly all the municipal chambers of the kingdom, gave proofs of their satisfaction. future marriage to Dom Miguel, his | a thousand follies, which my greatest friends younger brother and her uncle; who, the had considerable difficulty in restraining, until Salic law not being in force in Portugal, order was restored by an armed force. came after her in the regular succession to the throne. This, his legal position, was formally accepted by him; he swore fidelity to the queen and the constitution without protest or demur; spoke of her in a letter to his brother as his legitimate sovereign, and indignantly repudiated the notion that he meditated any denial of her rights or resistance to her authority. Yet he was always plotting her overthrow, always the willing tool of insurrection and intrigue; and during the best part of a generation his name was a synonym for absolutism. Saldanha never ceased regarding him as a standing menace to free institutions, and addressed letter after letter to put the king upon his guard. We collect from Saldanha's letters that although a high place, the department of war or foreign affairs, was reserved for him during successive changes of ministry, he did not enjoy the unlimited confidence of the Infanta. When the news reached Lisbon that Dom Miguel was about to supersede her in the regency, Saldanha urged her to stand upon her rights under the Charter, and resist. On her urging her inability, he said, "If your Highness will second me with the sanc tion of your name and authority, I will answer with my reputation and my life, that you shall retain the regency, with a constitutional government, until the queen shall attain her majority." She declined, and (remarks the Conde da Carnota) perhaps from that moment thought he was too powerful a subject for the vicinity of a court. She lost no time in getting rid of him; for a ministerial crisis ensued, "and when (to quote his own words) I had the honor of arriving in her Highness's presence (it grieves me to confess it), I noticed in her countenance an appearance of reserve which, thanks to her great goodness, I had not been accustomed to." The day following he tendered his resignation, which was read ily accepted, and he writes to the king: From the ministry, sire, I have brought nothing but my honor and my independence. Those who served with me bear away no spoils of the State: no one will venture to say the contrary. The moment I received my dismissal, which took everybody by surprise (for the greatest secrecy had been kept as to what had passed between her Highness and her minister), I set out for Cintra; but, unfortunately, the people of Lisbon, startled at my dismissal, committed This might be taken for an effusion of vanity, did we not bear in mind that the hold on the popular mind of which he There is ample boasts was a reality. evidence that the demonstrations in his favor, and the general demand for his recall, were of a nature to excite grave apprehension. He was ordered to leave Cintra for Oeiras, and he writes: I have obeyed in silence, in order not to arouse the feelings of your Majesty's faithful servants, of the real constitutionalists who idolize the Charter, and of my true friends. As soon as my poor means will permit, I shall set out for Paris with my dear wife and three children, the eldest of whom is five years of age, and the youngest forty-eight days; there to await your Majesty's orders. Things fell out after his departure very nearly as he had anticipated, and it is in no slight degree creditable to his perspicacity that he thoroughly understood a character by which the most sagacious politicians in Europe were deceived. Dom Miguel had been three years a resident in Vienna when he was nominated to the regency, and Metternich speaks of him as "a young prince who by precious qualities of heart and mind has acquired the greatest of rights to our august master's esteem." Again: "I regard it as a duty to do this young prince the justice that his thoughts are as correct as wise and elevated." The Austrian minister's motives for using such language may be open to suspicion, but Palmella must have been in earnest when he wrote that "it will shortly depend on his Highness, the Infante Dom Miguel, to follow the generous inspirations of his heart; to acquire for himself an immortal name, and secure the happiness of the Portuguese nation." Dom Miguel, instead of going direct from Vienna to Lisbon, came to England, and (Dec. 30, 1827) paid a visit of three days to George IV. at Windsor, and was afterwards entertained at Strathfieldsaye. Saldanha, who had come to London on purpose, requested and obtained an inter view, but his reception was of the coldest. | city, which would be given up to plunder "His Highness (he writes), and this (as I if it were taken by assault. It was conam informed) with great difficulty, only sequently evacuated, and the expedition permitted me the honor of kissing his returned to England, confessedly a dead hand in public, together with other Portu- failure, the blame of which was distribguese; and, through the Marquis de Pal- uted between the chiefs according to the mella, he informed me that he would not indiscriminating zeal or prejudices of their again allow me the honor of entering his partisans. Saldanha had his full share, presence." There were, he adds, five rea- although his biographer vehemently consons for this coldness, which may all be tends that, if his counsels had been folresolved into one: that his Highness lowed or if the supreme direction had been regarded him as a true patriot, ready to entrusted to him, the forces were sufficient shed the last drop of his blood for the not only to defend Oporto, but to form the Charter. nucleus of an army which might have marched on Lisbon and hurled the usurper from his throne: that, in fact, Saldanha could and would have done in 1828 what he did in 1834. Dom Miguel reached Portugal in February, 1828, and lost no time in effecting the meditated usurpation under the pretence of carrying out the wishes of the people as expressed by the Municipal Chambers, which were regularly instructed through their presidents to supplicate him to assume the crown, and to assume it as an absolute monarch, after nullifying the Charter as an illegal innovation on his rights. In obedience to the alleged popular call, he ordered the ancient Cortes of the kingdom to be convoked in thirty days in the place of the Chambers which he dissolved; and, by way of making sure of a majority, the returning officers were instructed "that the votes of those electors who, by their known sentiments and political opinions, had declared themselves enemies of the true principles of legitimacy and followers of the new institutions, should be considered factious, and not be allowed to be enrolled." The Cortes thus elected met in June, 1828, and in the course of less than three weeks, abolished the Charter, proclaimed Dom Miguel king, formally signed their adhesion, and announced that their mission had been fulfilled. Dom Miguel having thrown off the mask, Palmella announced to the Court of St. James's that his diplomatic functions had ceased, and his example was followed by the Portuguese ministers at every other court except Berlin. Oporto declared at once for the queen, and a Junta was formed to co-operate with her supporters. Oporto therefore was obviously the rallying-point for the friends of constitutional government, and Saldanha was eager to repair thither without delay, whilst Palmella should remain in London. After a variety of delays, arising mainly from mutual jealousy, an expedition was organized and arrived at Oporto; but, after some desultory operations, the commanders came to the conclusion that their forces were unequal to the defence of the Equally unlucky was the expedition to Terceira in January, 1829, where the disembarkation was opposed by the captain of an English squadron, upon grounds which at this distance of time it were needless to discuss. Saldanha, after one of his vessels had been fired upon, was obliged to rest satisfied with a protest, and he set sail for Brest, where he and his fellow-refugees (six hundred in number) arrived in so destitute a state, that he was compelled to apply to the French authorities for relief. This was readily accorded, and principally through his instrumentality the Portuguese refugees in Paris were put upon an allowance of a franc a day for the men, and three francs for the officers. He himself was in such contracted circumstances, that he was obliged to borrow one hundred and five francs from his brother, whose memorandum of this petty loan has been preserved. During his prolonged residence in Paris, he was hand in glove with the best of the French Liberals, especially with Lafayette, and he took an active part in the Revolution of July. When twitted with this in the Portuguese Chamber in February, 1848, he replied: The worthy peer, Count das Antas, informed the Chamber that I fought in the streets of Paris during the three days of the Revolution of July. It is quite true that I did so; and, if your Excellency will allow me, I will say that I then acted as I always have acted; and, that, among other things, I was one of the first who entered the Hôtel de Ville. It was, undoubtedly, one of the principal episodes of my life; during which, extraordinary were the events I took virtuous man I have ever known, General part in, owing to my connection with the most Lafayette. To enable the House to appreciate the position I then filled at Paris, I will state that I was the only individual, not a deputy, who was present at the debate in which the change of dynasty was decided upon. But, in whose favor he had abdicated the Senhor President, did I cease, during those three days, to fight for the liberty of my country? Did I cease, during those three days, to fight for the throne of my queen? Without the victory we gained in those three days, could we possibly have overthrown the throne of the usurper? I pride myself, therefore, upon the active part I took in those events. It is undoubtedly true that if victory had declared for Charles X., the position of every absolute monarch or pretender would have been materially strengthened, and Dom Miguel was already so far established that Liberal governments were hard pressed for excuses to delay the formal recognition of him as king. At the same time the system of terrorism to which he had resorted to enforce his authority had alienated all except his most violent partisans, and led to a general belief that a reign which could only be maintained by violence must be short. Long lists have been made out of persons hanged, deported, or publicly flogged, and the fate reserved for the most distinguished of the refugees is indicated by the sentences passed in their absence on all who took part in the unsuccessful expedition to Oporto. They were to be conducted, bound with cords, through the public streets of Oporto to the New Square (Praça Nova); and there, proclamation having been made of their crimes, they were to be strangled on a lofty scaffold, so that their punishment might be witnessed by the people. Their heads were to be cut off; and their bodies, together with the scaffold on which they had suffered, were to be consumed by fire, and the ashes thrown into the sea, in order that all memory of them should be lost. Palmella and Saldanha were in cluded in this sentence. It was computed that in 1830 there were more than forty thousand persons under arrest for political offences, and full half that number in exile or in hiding-places. Lord Palmerston is quoted as stating that more than a thousand had been thrown into prison in Lisbon alone in eleven days. Foreigners were not exempt from insult and oppression; and English, French and American squadrons successively appeared in the Tagus to exact reparation or apologies. throne of Portugal. Prior to their arrival, a feeler was put forth by her representative at the British court, the Chevalier Lima, to ascertain whether they could be received as temporary residents at Buckingham Palace or Windsor. Such a reception, it was replied, involving the celebration of mass, would jar with British prejudices and do harm to their cause. On her asking for a formal recognition as queen, Lord Palmerston objected that this was impossible so long as Dom Miguel was de facto king, but added: We are disposed not to see what does not happen before our eyes. What the ministry of the Duke of Wellington would have prevented, we will not prevent. But il faut en venir là, what the emperor can do, and what he will do." Не After a stay of six weeks, the ex-emperor with the queen left London for Paris, where he proceeded to make preparations for an expedition to Portugal. On the 11th of January, 1832, Saldanha received a message requiring his attendance on his Majesty, and was informed that the object of sending for him was to request him to make a great sacrifice in favor of the young queen's cause. declared his readiness to make every possible sacrifice. "But it is a greater sacrifice than perhaps you are prepared for," continued Dom Pedro, and then went on to state that, on the previous day, the Spanish ambassador, accompanied by the minister of foreign affairs and the ambassadors of Austria and England, had waited on him, and had declared, on the part of Ferdinand VII., that if General Saldanha should form part of the projected expedition, he, Ferdinand, would place an army of forty thousand men at the disposal of Dom Miguel. But, Dom Pedro added, the Spanish ambassador, in the presence of the French minister and of the two other ambassadors, had pledged himself that King Ferdinand, if Saldanha remained at Paris, would remain neutral. To this there could be no reply, although there were good grounds for suspecting that the threatened Spanish intervention was got up for the occasion, and that suspicions were entertained lest Saldanha in case of success might set up for himWith the view of repairing in some self as dictator, regent, or president of a measure the mischief he had done by republic. Be this as it may, he had no blind confidence, Dom Pedro, after ab- alternative but to submit, and wait padicating the imperial throne of Brazil, tiently till the sense of his value was resolved on coming to Europe, and he forced upon those who wished to place arrived in London in June, 1831, bringing | him upon the shelf. He had not to wait with him the young queen, his daughter, long. The expedition began well. The |