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are what alone we have now to fear and maintained secrecy and darkness and extirpate. Their opinions are gilded; silence, constitute the sum of all statesthey are listened to; they insinuate them- manship, and the very breath of life of selves slowly into the mind; they seduce, its activity. Unlimited freedom does not persuade, corrupt the very people who frighten the conservative so long as the would be horrified by revolutionary ideas supremacy of law is not called in quesif they appeared in less seductive guises. Your adherents are now our only foes. You see that I am open with you. The times are gone by when politics was an art of secrecy and deception; it is now one of openness and publicity (!). Austria makes no mystery in the world of its political principles. It is strong enough to uphold them unconditionally in its own states, and it is sufficiently listened to and respected to make them accepted in other states. Europe will come to see that it owes its preservation to it. France will attend to us better than it has yet done. I venture to pledge my word that Europe will in a few years be more peaceful than it has ever been before." "In a few years" Turkish dominion in Greece was overthrown against the will of Austria, the legitimate dynasty in France was dethroned, émeutes had become chronic in Paris, and downright insurrection flamed in Poland, in Italy, in Spain.

tion. He allows the laity to speak and write, so long as politicians alone are allowed to act. He stands in no way opposed to change, but only to overthrow, just as also he does not contend against alteration of laws according to times and circumstances, but only to legislation according to à priori theories. The reactionary, on the other hand, resembles the revolutionary in his partiality for such theories, and for violent production of certain definite social conditions, and in his impatience of the opinions of others. Now Metternich was the archetype of the reactionary of the nineteenth century, and what is worse, he was so, not from temperament, like his master, who could endure no contradiction, nor from conviction, like Joseph de Maistre. Conviction came in his case as an afterthought, and his temperament was mild, good-hearted, and disposed to toleration.

Of

The whole profound political wisdom of which he knew how to talk so much, It is known that the chancellor never was at bottom nothing but the old Auslearned anything from all this, but re- trian policy which prevailed before the mained after, as before the July Revolu- time of Joseph II., and to which the emtion, the man of Carlsbad and Laibach peror Francis obstinately desired to return still. His autobiography shows that in after his unhappy experiment with Sta1844, nay, even in 1852, after his dion. It was the will of the emperor whole system, his Weltordnung had Francis, from first to last, that decided broken down, he still cherished the same things, and Metternich was only its most views. "It has seldom happened to me," willing and obedient instrument. said he in 1834 to Varnhagen, "and in course, he will have us believe that he important things never, to have to retract did everything, and the I, I, I, adsum qui anything or to confess myself to have feci, is especially in these posthumous been wrong." Reaction remained his delineations intolerably prominent. He political ideal, and he believed himself to is reported to have once said in his exile be a conservative, whereas he was only that he had often ruled Europe, but never an inverted revolutionary. The funda- Austria; in other words, that he had no mental error of Continental politicians of power in internal affairs, but was omnipthe two opposite schools who always iden- otent in foreign relations. That is also, tify reaction and conservatism, and look however, to be taken with reserve; but upon the Church as the necessary ally of it is certain that at home Francis, and the conservative interest, was thoroughly Francis alone, prescribed what was to be shared in by Metternich and his school. done. Metternich was only the adroit The true conservative has too firm a be- servant who found the ways and means lief in the preserving powers of society to do the thing prescribed, and who at the to seek to help them by violent reaction. same time set out that which happened He thinks superstition and priestcraft a-or did not happen-in high-sounding greater danger to the State or to peaceful philosophical phrases; and when the development than freedom and publicity, hard, self-willed, spoiled sovereign had which are the only atmosphere for sound departed this life, then the minister, long normal life. To the reactionary, on the before crystallized into a Polonius, carried other hand, an artificial standstill, where on the play from his own hand, because possible artificial retrogression, artificially it had become to him a second nature,

and he really believed that thoughts stood | totally different from his own. But that behind his phraseology. was not intolerance, but a defect in underVarnhagen tells us how, in the year of standing them. He knew how to estimate Francis's death, he visited the chancellor all varieties of men of his own category, in Baden, and how astonished he was at and gave them their due. He could even his toleration. Everything the minister come to an understanding with a Napothen said sounds like a chapter out of the leon, highly as he surpassed him, and just published autobiography: there are fantastic as he could be, because he the same commonplaces, expressed often spoke the same kind of language; but he in the same words - a proof, by the way, could not possibly do so with a Canning what a good listener and what a faithful or a Stein, because the realist could see reporter Varnhagen was. There is the nothing but enthusiasts or reprobates in same self-sufficient, pedantic, didactic such idealists. Now he who does not tone which became, by degrees, "exces- understand idealism does not understand sive and very wearisome," but there is reality perfectly either. Ideas which also the same fairness to persons of an- have become facts are realities, and to other way of thinking. The "powerful mistake them even after they have beattraction which he possessed in so rich a come facts, is just - narrowness. A true degree for the most diverse natures, was statesman must have seen that in the due to this, that he left your mind and years 1815-1830 revolution, as a destrucintelligence perfectly free." So, again, tive force, was no match for the reinvigohe spread "harmless freedom and secu- rated preserving powers of society, and rity," and admitted the opinions of his that to persecute it could only be to give guests, although the flow of his talk sel- it new strength, as it has actually done. dom suffered them to be expressed; nay, A true statesman must have seen that he boasts that nobody understood the revolution as a moving force was a fact value of freedom of speech better than which could not be suppressed, and that he, and he could even enjoy Heine's at- he had consequently to reckon with it, and tacks, provided his vanity was not the not waste his time and trouble trying to loser; he knows "in business neither annihilate it, and Metternich, who tried love nor hatred;"" persons are for him this, was in no wise better than the narrow entirely excluded from consideration," politicians of the democratic school, who etc.; exactly as in the "Key to the Ex-imagined that one could and must extirplanation of my Way of Thinking and pate the conservative forces from the Acting." There is much self-deception national life. Metternich's anti-revoluin all this, and even the shrewd Varnha- tionary policy—or to speak more corgen was deceived by it; but there is some rectly, the anti-revolutionary policy of the truth in it, nevertheless. A fine and just emperor Francis which Metternich apjudgment of men is one of Metternich's plied, reduced to a system, and finally best points, and this psychological in- believed in has been bitterly avenged sight, as well as indifference to criticism, on its heirs. Thirty-three beautiful years increased in him as he advanced in life. of peace, which seemed to have been as it The inexorable tyranny of the press, the were made for the very purpose of affordCarlsbad resolutions, and everything of ing the Continental nations a time of that sort must, in the first instance, be apprenticeship to the art of self-governreferred to the emperor Francis, whom ment, were lost, and the result was the Metternich served only too submissively. immaturity of 1848, under the conseBut we must not lose sight of the limits quences of which we still labor. It is not of Metternich's toleration. The chan- enough that one is a perfect diplomatist, cellor was before all a man of society, and as Metternich undoubtedly was, to be also obeyed without trouble the supreme law a great guiding statesman. of all social intercourse, that one should see in the society one visits or receives only equals, whose opinion one is bound to respect from simple good breeding, not from principle or policy. This was naturally not the case with him in official intercourse with inferiors, where discipline and hierarchical subordination are necessary. Nor was it so with him in public life, and towards social equals, whose natures were

But were not the years of peace his work, and that of those who were of the same mind with him? And is this blessing of forty years' peace to be rated so low? Certainly not; but it is by no means so clearly made out, as it would appear from Metternich's representation of it, that the long peace was the work of the diplomatists assembled at Vienna. Much was spoken there about balance

of power, and much was spoken there completely lost in 1648, which alters the about virtue, but it all issued in a higgling | case entirely. And little as a German about souls. Talleyrand denounced the can praise the Westphalian Peace he division of Poland with all the chivalrous must yet confess that France, which in indignation which became him so well, the first half of the seventeenth century but he resisted its restoration, if that were contended at the head of Europe against to be purchased at the price of the ag- the thirst of the Hapsburgs for the emgrandizement of Prussia. Geographical, pire of the world, understood its task in historical, nay, even military considera- Münster better, and knew better how to tions were not from first to last taken into execute it, than Austria understood or consideration. On the occasion of previ- fulfilled its task in the beginning of the ous treaties of peace, it was asked what nineteenth century, when their respective province was necessary to the conqueror parts were transposed. For even were for his protection, what one would open one to admit that Metternich had a right an outlet for his trade, what combinations to sacrifice the interests of Europe to would be for the good of Europe in gen- those of Austria, it is still very questioneral; but in Vienna none asked anything, able whether he did this effectively-and except how many souls, i.e., recruits and whether he thus introduced any new idea tax-payers, it could get hold of, but into history. Had not Thugut and Cowhether they were south or north, wheth- benzl already inaugurated the Italian er they were Polish, Italian, or German in policy of Metternich? And even if one nationality, whether they were former acknowledges that it was conformable to subjects or new accessions that was all the German and Imperial traditions of sentimentality and enthusiasm to the great Austria to prefer seeking the basis of its realists who had all gone more or less to position as a great power in Germany and Napoleon's school. Even the Utrecht Italy rather than in the East, and that it Peace, in which the conquerors gave needed a statesmanlike genius of the away quite as lightheartedly every advan- first rank to strike out voluntarily into tage they had gained, showed more polit- this new path, which then offered so many ical wisdom, for it took for its basis the fewer difficulties than it now does since traditions of Europe, and the organic the awakening of the feeling of nationhistorical conditions and interests which ality in the motley Austrian Empire, and had grown up, whereas chance and ca- which has only been forcibly entered upon price supplied the rule for everything at in our own day, the way in which the Vienna. No; the Vienna Congress, two dependencies of Austria in central which, moreover, was not led by Metter- Europe, Germany, and Italy, were ruled, nich, but by Talleyrand, had little merit remains in the eyes of posterity an exin producing the forty years of peace. tremely short-sighted one, and in the These were the consequence of the uni- latter country even a brutal one, which, versal need for rest, and the profound like all short-sighted and violent governexhaustion of Europe, and not the conse- ment, could only weaken the governing quence of wise combinations on the part State. And what good did Prince Metof the diplomatists at Vienna. What new ternich's conservative Eastern policy do statesmanlike thought was there realized him? Did Greece not free itself in spite at Vienna? Was the famous balance of of it? Was not the influence of Russia power really established there? Will any at Constantinople greater after the treaty one seriously assert that the kingdom of of Adrianople than before it? Did it Prussia, which certainly contributed as hinder the alliance of Hunkiar Iskelessi? much as the other three powers to the Did it withdraw the Danubian principaldownfall of the common enemy, counted ities from Russian influence? And what for as much after 1815 as any one of the was gained by the blind fear of Russia other four powers? On what then did which Metternich and his creature Gentz this balance of power rest, but on the dis- at that time brought into vogue, which memberment and subjection of two great has paralyzed central Europe and kept it civilized peoples? But, it will be said, in a tremor for forty years, and which has that this was also the case with the Westphalian Peace, which yet so many historians extol as the greatest diplomatic masterpiece of all times. Yes, but Germany and Italy had recovered in 1815 the consciousness of nationality they had

not even yet disappeared, after we have had so many proofs of the aggressive impotence of that power, and after every liberated province of Turkey has developed into a secret enemy of its liberator?

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And the part of leader of Europe, which the chancellor fain ascribes to himself, how long did it last? Not ten years passed after the Congress when Austria was everywhere compelled to terms, where it hoped to lead. Neither Canning, nor even Villèle, neither Nicholas, nor even Frederick William III., went in tow after Austria; and in fact it was Russia or the Western powers which gave the decisive word in all European questions and not Austria.

From Blackwood's Magazine.

BUSH-LIFE IN QUEENSLAND.

XV.

CAMBARANGA AGAIN. -A WET ADVEN-
TURE. -A HOSPITABLE REFUGE.

ON his return to Cambaranga, John found that Mr. M'Duff had come back from his northern tour, and did not appear over-well pleased that he had taken a holiday in his absence. M'Duff was That ought not to make us blind to one of those men who think they never Metternich's services to Austria and Eu- can get enough work out of their subordirope in a difficult time; only we should nates. A hard worker himself, urged on not forget how dear he has rated these by the stimulus which the immediate services himself. Metternich who guided prospect of making money usually conAustria between 1809 and 1813 past the fers, he required that none of his people most threatening rocks with vigilance, should do less than himself. John was adroitness, and decision, let the ship he kept at work from morning to night; and he saved rot and go to pieces, because he very often midnight saw him returning thought that the constitution which had from business at one of the far outlying enabled it to weather the most dangerous sheep-stations. For these exertions he storm, must also serve for the calm sea, received no pecuniary return, it being the and that every improvement only threat- opinion of Mr. M'Duff, as well as of ened its existence. There were two many other proprietors of " Dotheboys Metternichs, indeed, one before and Halls" in the colony, that the acquisition another after 1815. Not that Metternich of a knowledge of bush-life, or "colonial had suddenly altered at forty,-nobody experience," as it is termed, amply comalters, but the situation was a different pensated for the arduous labors perone, and youth had now departed from formed. him. Metternich had no originality, but he had a high talent for adaptation. He allowed himself to be determined by things and men; he did not determine things or men. Even where he won men to his person, he was unable to win them to his ideas, just because those ideas were wanting in all originality and all positive substance. Even in the field of diplomacy, where his proper importance lay, he was greater in defence than in attack, just because there is something creative in the offensive, and he lacked the creative power entirely. At last he persuaded himself, as we all willingly do, that his dispositions and capacities were the results of reflection and will. His want of creative power made him believe that political life had nothing at all to do with the creative, but only with the conservative activity. He thus suffered the qualities which he had developed in the strain of the moment and in the freshness of youth to slumber in tranquil times and in old because no lively excitement age, stirred them from without and called them into activity. Metternich the practical man became Metternich the theoretical. It is a pity only that the latter wrote the history of the former.

KARL HILLEBRAND.

A dull, uninteresting ride brings him to the sheep-station. It is just time to count the flock: they are correct. John looks about him. It is a cheerless evening; the rainy season has begun - and the sky is heavily overcast. It will be a black, dark, and possibly very wet night. He hates the idea of riding home, but he knows that M'Duff makes a point of his returning in order to have him at work early.

This is the black swamp, only seventeen miles distant from home. Still eight miles to go. It is spitting rain as he canters along. The shadows grow deeper. Hark! there is a chorus of laughing jackasses; it must be sundown. It will be a frightfully dark night; now it sets in for heavy, settled rain. There will be no moon to illuminate, however opaquely, the heavy, dense clouds. It becomes quite dark. Still he jogs along, looking for the welcome light, longing for the music of the dogs. He feels his horse is crossing deep, sharp gullies, — surely he cannot be on the road. Now he passes a stream of water, and the animal's hoofs crunch the stones and gravel. There is no stream to cross on the road. He gets off and alights in grass. He knows now that his horse has left the track. The grass is

wet; but he is wet himself, and he leads | dling up his shivering horse, he prepares his horse, feeling for the hard, smooth to start, not to Cambaranga now, which road with his feet. Is this it? He takes he should have reached last night, but out his match-box and strikes a light. towards the overseer's station, whither The sudden glare in the dark causes his Mr. M'Duff had asked him to follow him nag to throw up his head with a jerk, and that morning. Which way shall he go? all the matches fly out on the ground The country is a dead level; he cannot not one left. His horse has travelled this tell north from south, east from west. road hundreds of times perhaps he was The sky is one vast, leaden cloud. He only taking a short cut. He mounts recollects hearing of a vast box-forest again, loosens the reins, and makes up between the Betyammo run and this part his mind to trust entirely to the animal. of the Cambaranga station.