gracious King indeed is abundantly civil to himself. Instead of an answer to a petition, his majefty, very gracefully pronounces his own panegyric; and I confefs, that, as far as his perfonal behaviour, or the royal purity of his intentions is concerned, the truth of thofe declarations, which the minifter has drawn up for his mafter, cannot decently be difputed. In every other refpect, I affirm, that they are abfolutely unfupported, either in argument or fact. I must add too, that fuppofing the speech were otherwise unexceptionable, it is not a direct answer to the petition of the city. His Majefty is pleased to fay, that he is always ready to receive the requests of his subjects; yet the sheriffs were twice fent back with an excufe, and it was certainly debated in council whether or no the magiftrates of the city of London should be admitted to an audience. Whether the remonftrance be or be not injurious to parliament, is the very question between the parliament and the people, and fuch a question as cannot be decided by the assertion of a third party, however refpectable. That the petitioning for a diffolution of parliament is irreconcileable with the principles of the conftitution is a new doctrine. His Majefty perhaps has not been informed, that the house of commons themselves have, by a formal refolution, admitted it to be the right of the

fub

fubject. His Majefty proceeds to affure us that he has made the laws the rule of his conduct. Was it in ordering or permitting his miniflers to apprehend Mr. Wilkes by a general warrant?-Was it in fuffering his minifters to revive the obfolete maxim of nullum tempus to rob the Duke of Portland of his property, and thereby give a decifive turn to a county election ?-Was it in ere&ting a chamber confultation of furgeons, with authority to examine into and fuperfede the legal verdict of a jury? Or did his Majesty confult the laws of this country, when he permitted his fecretary of state to declare, that whenever the civil magiftrate is trifled with, a military force must be fent for, without the delay of a moment, and effectually employed? Or was it in the barbarous exactness with which this illegal, inhuman doctrine was carried into execution?-If his Majefty had recollected these facts, I think he would never have faid, at least with any reference to the measures of his government, that he had made the laws the rule of his conduct. To talk of preserving the affections, or relying on the fupport of his fubjects, while he continues to act upon thefe principles, is indeed paying a compliment to their loyalty, which I hope they have too much spirit and understanding to deferve.

!

His Majefty, we are told, is not only punctual in the performance of his own duty, but careful not to affume any of thofe powers which the conftitution has placed in other hands. Admitting this last affertion to be strictly true, it is no way to the purpofe. The city of London have not defired the King to affume a power placed in other hands. If they had, I fhould hope to fee the perfon, who dared to prefent fuch a petition, immediately impeached. They folicit their Sovereign to exert that conftitutional authority, which the laws have vested in him, for the benefit of his fubjects. They call upon him to make ufe of his lawful prerogative in a cafe, which our laws evidently fuppofed might happen, fince they have provided for it by trufting the Sovereign with a difcretionary power to diffolve the parliament. This requeft will, I am confident, be fupported by remonftrances from all parts of the kingdom*. His Majefty will find at laft, that this is the fenfe of his

WHEN the King had done reading his fpecch, the Lord Mayor, &c. had the honour of kiffing his Majefty's hand; as they were withdrawing, his Majefty it is faid turned round to his courtiers, and burst out a laughing.

Nero fiddled, while Rome was burning. JOHN HORNE.

people,

people, and that it is not his interest to support either miniftry or parliament, at the hazard of a breach with the collective body of his fubjects.-That he is the King of a free people. is indeed his greatest glory. That he may long continue the King of a free people, is the fecond wish that animates my heart. The firft is THAT THE PEOPLE

IN

of the truth and propriety of his Majesty's answer to the city of London, confidering it merely as the fpeech of a minister, drawn up in his own defence, and delivered, as ufual, by the chief magiftrate. I would feparate, as much as poffible, the King's perfonal character and behaviour from the acts of the prefent government. I wish it to be understood that his Majefty had in effect no more concern in the substance of what he faid, than Sir James Hodges had in the remonftrance,

monftrance, and that as Sir James, in virtue of his office, was obliged to speak his fentiments of the people, his Majefty might think himself bound, by the fame official obligation, to give a graceful utterance to the fentiments of his minifter. The cold formality of a well repeated leffon is widely diftant from the animated expreffion of the heart.

THIS diftin&tion, however, is only true with refpect to the measure itfelf. The confequences of it reach beyond the minifter, and materially affect his Majesty's honour. In their Own nature they are formidable enough to alarm a man of prudence, and difgraceful enough to afflict a man of spirit. A fubject, whofe fincere attachment to his Majefty's perfon and family is founded upon rational principles, will not, in the present conjuncture, be fcrupulous of alarming, or even of afflicting his Sovereign. I know there is another fort of loyalty, of which his Majesty has had plentiful experience. When the loyalty of Tories, Jacobites, and Scotchmen, has once taken poffeffion of an unhappy Prince, it seldom leaves him without accomplishing his destruction. When the poifon

of their doctrines has tainted the natural benevolence of his difpofition, when their infidious counfels have corrupted the flamina of his government, what antidote can restore