immediately appearing to govern, they poffefs the power, and distribute the emoluments of government as they think proper. They ftill adhere to the fpirit of that calculation, which made Mr. Luttrell representative of Middlefex. Far from regretting your retreat, they affure us very gravely, that it increases the real strength of the miniftry.. According to this way of reasoning, they will probably grow stronger, and more flourishing, every hour they exift: for I think. there is hardly a day paffes in which fome one or other of his Majefty's fervants does not leave them to im prove by the lofs of his affiftance. But,. alas! their countenances fpeak a different language. When the members drop off, the main body cannot be infenfible of its ap-proaching diffolution. Even the violence of their proceedings is a fignal of defpair.. Like broken, tenants, who have had warning to quit the premises, they curfe their landlord,. destroy the fixtures, throw every thing into. confufion, and care not what mifchief they do to the eftate.

JUNIUS.

LETTER

LETTER LII.

TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC AD

VERTISER..

SIR,

19 March, 1770.

I

BELIEVE there is no man, however in

different about the interefts of this country, who will not readily confefs that the fituation, to which we are now reduced, whether it has arifen from the violence of faction, or from an arbitrary fyftem of government, justifies the most melancholy apprehenfions, and calls for the exertion of whatever wisdom or vigour is left among us. The King's anfwer to the remonftrance of the city of London, and the measures fince adopted by the miniftry, amount to a plain declaration, that the principle, on which Mr. Luttrell was feated in the house of commons, is to be fupported in all its confequences, and carried to its utmost extent. The fame fpirit, which violated the freedom of election, now invades the declaration and bill of rights, and threatens to punish the fubject for exercifing a privilege, hitherto undifputed, of petitioning the crown. The grievances of the people are aggravated by

infults; their complaints not merely disregarded, but checked by authority; and every one of thofe acts, against which they remonftrated, confirmed by the King's decifive approbation. At fuch a moment, no honeft man will remain filent or inactive. However diftinguished by rank or property, in the rights of freedom we are all equal. As we are Englishmen, the leaft confiderable man among us has an intereft equal to the proudeft nobleman, in the laws and conftitution of his country, and is equally called upon to make a generous contribution in support of them;-whether it be the heart to conceive, the understanding to direct, or the hand to execute. It is a common caufe, in which we are all interefted, in which we fhould all be engaged. The man who deferts it at this alarming crifis, is an enemy to his country, and, what I think of infinitely lefs importance, a traitor to his Sovereign. The fubject, who is truly loyal to the chief magiftrate, will neither advise nor fubmit to arbitrary measures. The city of London have given an example, which, I doubt not, with be followed by the whole kingdom. The noble fpirit of the metropolis, is the lifeblood of the ftate, collected at the heart from that point it circulates, with health and vigour, through every artery of the conftitution. The time is come, when the body of

the

the English people muft affert their own. cause conscious of their ftrength, and animated by a fenfe of their duty, they will not furrender their birthright to minifters, parliaments, or kings.

THE city of London have expreffed their fentiments with freedom and firmnefs; they have spoken truth boldly; and, in whatever light their remonftrance may be represented by courtiers, I defy the most fubtle lawyer in this country to point out a single instance, in which they have exceeded the truth. Even that affertion, which we are told is most offenfive to parliament, in the theory of the English conftitution, is ftrictly true. If any part of the representative body be not chofen by the people, that part vitiates and corrupts the whole. If there be a defect in the representation of the people, that power, which alone is equal to the making of the laws in this country, is not complete, and the acts of parliament under that circumftance, are not the acts of a pure and entire legiflature. I fpeak of the theory of our conftitution; and whatever difficulties or inconveniencies may attend the practice, I am ready to maintain, that, as far as the fact deviates from the principle, fo far the practice is vicious and corrupt. I have not heard a queftion raised upon any other part of the remonftrance. That the

principle, on which the Middlesex election was determined, is more pernicious in its effects, than either the levying of fhip-money, by Charles the First, or the fufpending power affumed by his fon, will hardly be difputed by any man who understands or wishes well to the English conftitution. It is not an act of open violence done by the King, or any direct or palpable breach of the laws attempted by his minifter, that can ever endanger the liberties of this country. Against fuch a King or minifter the people would immediately take the alarm, and all the parties unite to oppofe him. The laws may be grofsly violated in particular inftances, without any direct attack upon the whole fyftem. Facts of that kind ftand alone; they are attributed to neceffity, not defended by principle. We can never be really in danger, until the forms of parliament are made use of to deftroy the fubftance of our civil and political liberties;-until parliament itself betrays its truft, by contributing to establish new principles of government, and employing the very weapons committed to it by the collective body, to ftab the conftitution.

As for the terms of the remonstrance, I prefume it will not be affirmed, by any perfon lefs polished than a gentleman usher, that this is a feafon for compliments.

Our

gra