founded on facts, not one of which can be denied, bring us back to our reason by the road of our experience.

I cannot, as I have said, answer for mixed measures; but surely this mixture of lenity would give the whole a better chance of success. When you once regain confidence, the way will be clear before you. Then you may enforce the Act of Navigation when it ought to be enforced. You will yourselves open it where it ought still further to be opened. Proceed in what you do, whatever you do, from policy, and not from rancour. Let us act like men, let us act like statesmen. Let us hold some sort of consistent conduct. It is agreed that a revenue is not to be had in America. If we lose the profit, let us get rid of the odium.

On this business of America I confess I am serious even to sadness. I have had but one opinion concerning it since I sat, and before I sat, in Parliament. The noble lord [Lord North] will, as usual, probably attribute the part taken by me and my friends in this business to a desire of getting his places. Let him enjoy this happy and original idea. If I deprived him of it, I should take away most of his wit, and all his argument. But I had rather bear the brunt of all his wit, and, indeed, blows much heavier, than stand answerable to God for embracing a system that tends to the destruction of some of the very best and fairest of His works. But I know the map of England as well as the noble lord, or as any other person; and I know that the way I take is not the road to preferment. My excellent and honourable friend under me on the floor [Mr. Dowdeswell] has trod that road with great toil for upwards of twenty years together. He is not yet arrived at the noble lord's destination. However, the tracks of my worthy friend are those I have ever wished to follow, because I know they lead to honour. Long may we tread the same road together, whoever may accompany us, or whoever may laugh at us on our journey. I honestly and solemnly declare I have in all seasons adhered to the system of 1766, for no other reason than that I think it laid deep in your

truest interests; and that, by limiting the exercise, it fixes on the firmest foundations a real, consistent, well-grounded authority in Parliament. Until you come back to that system, there

will be no peace for England.

[Mr. Burke's motion was negatived by a vote of 182 to 49; and the Act for quartering troops in Boston was passed about a month after.]

LORD THURLOW.

He

ORD EDWARD THURLOW, Lord Chancellor of Great Britain, was born in Suffolk in 1732. was educated at Canterbury School and Cambridge University. In 1754 he was called to the bar. He represented Tamworth in Parliament in 1768, was appointed Solicitor-General in 1770, and in the following year AttorneyGeneral. He supported Lord North's policy, and became very popular with George III. He was appointed Lord Chancellor in 1778; with one short period excepted, held office till 1792, when Pitt's hostility compelled him to resign. He died at Brighton in 1806. The Duke of Richmond had taunted him in the House of Lords, June 1779, on his plebeian extraction and recent admission to the Peerage, when he replied as follows:

REPLY TO THE DUKE OF RICHMOND.

I am amazed at the attack which the noble duke has made upon me. Yes, my lords (considerably raising his voice), I am amazed at his grace's speech. The noble duke cannot look before him, behind him, or on either side of him, without seeing some noble peer who owes his seat in this House to his successful exertions in the profession to which I belong. Does he not feel that it is as honourable to owe it to these as to be the accident of an accident? To all these noble lords, the language of the noble duke is as applicable and as insulting as

No

to myself; but I do not fear to meet it singly and alone. one venerates the peerage more than I do; but, my lords, I must say that peerage solicited me, not I the peerage. Nay more, I can say, and will say, that as a peer of Parliamentas Speaker of this right honourable House-as Keeper of the Great Seal-as guardian of his Majesty's conscience-as Lord High Chancellor of England-nay, even in that character alone in which the noble duke would think it an affront to be considered, but which character none can deny me—as a man, I am at this moment as respectable-I beg leave to add, I am at this moment as much respected-as the proudest peer I now look down upon.

F

HARLES JAMES FOX was the son of Henry Fox, first Lord Holland, and was born January 13, 1748. He was educated at Westminster, Eton, and Oxford, and distinguished himself in the department of classical literature. His father secured him a seat in Parliament for the borough of Midhurst when he was only nineteen; this he did not accept until of a legal age. In 1770 he was created one of the Lords of the Admiralty, and in 1773 he was nominated a Commissioner of the Treasury, but, owing to a disagreement with Lord North, was dismissed. He was appointed one of the Secretaries of State in 1782, but resigned on the death of the Marquis of Rockingham. His India Bill, after passing the Commons, was thrown out by the Lords, which caused the dissolution of the ministry with which he was identified. Fox placed himself at the head of the Opposition against Pitt; he visited the Continent in 1788; and on Pitt's death was again called to power. He died 13th September 1806, in the fifty-ninth year of his age. See Trevelyan's Charles James Fox.

[The following is Fox's opening of a speech on the Westminster Scrutiny, spoken on 8th June 1784 in the House of Commons. Fox and Sir Cecil Wray in 1784 had contested Westminster; on the closing of the polls Fox was in the majority. Wray demanded a scrutiny or examination of the voting, a tedious process, which would in the first place deprive Fox of his seat. But the latter obtained a seat for Kirkwall,