conversation, and how thou spendest thy time.' 'Sire,' said the cobbler, 'as for me, good works have I none, for my life is but simple and slender; I am but a poor cobbler. In the morning when I rise I pray for the whole city wherein I dwell, especially for all such neighbours and poor friends as I have; after, I set me at my labour, where I spend the whole day in getting my living; and I keep me from all falsehood, for I hate nothing so much as I do deceitfulness, wherefore, when I make any man a promise, I keep it, and perform it truly: and thus I spend my time poorly, with my wife and children, whom I teach and instruct, as far as my wit will serve me, to fear and dread God. And this is the sum of my simple life.'Sermon on Christmas Day.

IR JOHN ELIOT was born in 1590 at Port Eliot, in Cornwall. He entered Oxford University at the age of fifteen, where he remained for three years, but left without taking a degree. He travelled on the Continent, married on his return to England, and was elected Member of Parliament in 1614. About 1618 he was appointed vice-admiral for Devon. Eliot sat in the first, second, and third Parliaments of Charles I., and was the recognised leader of the Opposition.' In the opposition of forced loans, in the procuring the Petition. of Right, and in the impeachment of Buckingham, he especially distinguished himself. He was more than once imprisoned for his freedom of speech and his refusal to pay the forced loan, and on the last occasion lay in the Tower till his death, which took place in November 1632. Mr. John Forster has written the completest and best biography of this great patriot and statesman, based on original papers first discovered by him at Port Eliot. Speaking of his style of oratory, John Forster remarks: 'His vivacity was equal to his earnestness, yet never so displayed as to detract from it. He had in great perfection some of the highest qualities of an orator,singular power of statement, clearness and facility in handling details, pointed classical allusion, keen and logical argument, forcible and rich declamation; but in none of these does he at any time seem, however briefly, to indulge merely for its

own sake. All are subordinated to the design and the matter

in hand.'

STATE OF THE NATION, 1628.1

MR. SPEAKER, We sit here as the great Council of the King, and, in that capacity, it is our duty to take into consideration the state and affairs of the kingdom, and when there is occasion to give a true representation of them, by way of counsel and advice, with what we conceive necessary or expedient to be done.

In this consideration, I confess many a sad thought hath affrighted me, and that not only in respect of our dangers from abroad (which yet I know are great, as they have been often pressed and dilated to us), but in respect of our disorders here at home, which do enforce those dangers, and by which they are occasioned. For I believe I shall make it clear to you, that both at first the cause of these dangers were our disorders, and our disorders now are yet our greatest dangers; that not so much the potency of our enemies, as the weakness of ourselves, doth threaten us, so that the saying of one of the Fathers may be assumed by us, Non tam potentiâ sua quam negligentia nostra— Not so much by their power as by our neglect.' Our want of true devotion to Heaven, our insincerity and doubting in religion, our want of councils, our precipitate actions, the insufficiency or unfaithfulness of our generals abroad, ignorance and corruption of our ministers at

1 Delivered in the House of Commons, June 3, 1628, while the Petition of Right, providing that no loan or tax might be levied but by consent of Parliament, was under discussion. The reluctant consent of the King was given to the Petition, June 7, 1628.

The original MS. of this speech was discovered at Port Eliot, with this indorsement in his own hand: Keepe this safe where it may not be lost.' It was at that time the custom of Parliamentary orators, as Thomas Fuller has remarked, 'that gentlemen speakers in these Parliaments should impart their speeches to their intimate friend, the transcripts whereof were multiplied amongst others;' and perhaps to this practice may be ascribed the variations sometimes observable in different copies of the same speech.

home, the impoverishing of the sovereign, the oppression and depression of the subject, the exhausting of our treasures, the waste of our provisions, consumption of our ships, destruction of our men, these make the advantage of our enemies, not the reputation of their arms; and if in these there be not reformation, we need no foes abroad. Time itself will ruin us. . . .

Fifthly, Mr. Speaker, I fear I have been too long in these particulars that are past, and am unwilling to offend you; therefore in the rest I shall be shorter, and as to that which concerns the impoverishing of the King, no other arguments will I use than such as all men grant.

The exchequer, you know, is empty, and the reputation thereof gone; the ancient lands are sold; the jewels pawned; the plate engaged; the debts still great; almost all charges, both ordinary and extraordinary, borne up by projects! What poverty can be greater? What necessity so great? What perfect English heart is not almost dissolved into sorrow for this truth?

Sixthly, For the oppression of the subject, which, as I remember, is the next particular I proposed, it needs no demonstration. The whole kingdom is a proof; and for the exhausting of our treasures, that very oppression speaks it. What waste of our provisions, what consumption of our ships, what destruction of our men there hath been! Witness that expedition to Algiers-witness that with Mansfeldt-witness that to Cadiz-witness the next-witness that to Rhé-witness the last (I pray God we may never have more such witnesses) -witness, likewise, the Palatinate-witness Denmark-witness the Turks-witness the Dunkirkers-witness all! What losses we have sustained! How we are impaired in munitions, in ships, in men !

It is beyond contradiction that we were never so much weakened, nor ever had less hope how to be restored.

These, Mr. Speaker, are our dangers; these are they who do threaten us; and these are, like the Trojan horse, brought in cunningly to surprise us. In these do lurk the strongest of

B

our enemies, ready to issue on us; and if we do not speedily expel them, these are the signs, these are the invitations to others! These will so prepare their entrance, that we shall have no means left of refuge or defence. If we have these enemies at home, how can we strive with those that are abroad? If we be free from these, no other can impeach us. Our ancient English virtue (like the old Spartan valour), cleared from these disorders,—our being in sincerity of religion and once made friends with Heaven; having maturity of councils, sufficiency of generals, incorruption of officers, opulency in the King, liberty in the people, repletion in treasure, plenty of provisions, reparation of ships, preservation of men,— our ancient English virtue, I say, thus rectified, will secure us; and unless there be a speedy reformation in these, I know not what hopes or expectations we can have.

These are the things, sir, I shall desire to have taken into consideration; that as we are the great council of the kingdom, and have the apprehension of these dangers, we may truly represent them unto the King, which I conceive we are bound to do by a triple obligation-of duty to God, of duty to his Majesty, and of duty to our country.

And, therefore, I wish it may so stand with the wisdom and judgment of the House, that these things may be drawn into the body of a remonstrance, and in all humility expressed, with a prayer to his Majesty, that for the safety of himself, for the safety of the kingdom, and for the safety of religion, he will be pleased to give us time to make perfect inquisition thereof, or to take them into his own wisdom, and there give them such timely reformation as the necessity and justice of the case doth import.

And thus, sir, with a large affection and loyalty to his Majesty, and with a firm duty and service to my country, I have suddenly (and it may be with some disorder) expressed the weak apprehensions I have, wherein, if I have erred, I humbly crave your pardon, and so submit myself to the censure of the House.