and, by the authority of the remainder of the house of commons, appointed a day for his trial, in order that he might undergo a punishment, which, in the opinion for generations to come. This declaration was very artful. It flattered the Scots: it soothed the English presbyterians: it caressed the citizens, and pointed out to them their own importance.-But it had no effects. The army, seeing itself beset on all sides, and its destruction avowed, exerted itself with uncommon diligence, and overcame all their opposers. As to the fleet under prince Charles, except the prizes taken by it, it hurt his adversaries little. Faction, so fatal to weak bodies, entered into and rendered it of no significancy: for it left the Downs on the approach of the enemy, and went for Holland, where it no longer was an object of terror. It ought not to be omitted that, the above declaration being presented by the sheriffs of London to the Commons, and the citizens being withdrawn, it was moved, that the house should declare him a rebel and a traitor. The motion miscarried, as they had then voted for a treaty of peace with the king. But, however, all were declared such who adhered to or assisted him in the present war. This was but poor encouragement. The house of peers was then applied to by him, in a letter dated from aboard the fleet in the Downs, Aug. 5, in the 24th year of the reign of the king our royal father. In this letter, among other things, he proposed "that an orderly moderate subsistence during the treaty between the king and the two houses, be agreed upon for all armies and * Parliamentary History, vol. XVII. p. 384. of his judges, he should deserve. This alarmed the prince; who, it is said, writ a letter to Fairfax' in his father's behalf, and offered their own terms to the parliament, forces now on foot, and particularly for the Scots army, in such manner as may be with the least the pressure on northern counties. He then offers his mediation for obtaining from his majesty all such concessions and acts of grace as might conduce to peace, and concludes with desiring that some equal course might be suddenly settled for the support of himself and the navy with him." An answer was agreed on to this letter by the Lords, Aug. 19; in which, after thanking his highness for the offer of his mediation for peace, which they took as an argument of the affection he bore to his native country, they add, "and we do conceive that nothing can more conduce to procure your highness an interest in the affections of all the people of England, than to steer all your motions in concurrence with those councils and resolutions that are taken in the parliament: which is, by the antient constitution of the government of this kingdom, the great council thereof." This was a sharp reprimand for encouraging the Scotch invasion, the English insurrections, and the naval revolt. For though the Lords and Commons, the majority of them, earnestly wished for peace, they chose not to have it imposed on them, and all their labours rendered totally vain and insignificant, and their own safety endangered; as it must have been, had the designs then on foot succeeded, which the prince openly encouraged. The prince wrote a letter to Fairfax, &c.] It being . to procure his safety. He had no attention, however, paid unto him: for the king, as it is well known, being condemned, lost his life before Whitehall, to the amazement of all his partizans. And that the hopes of the prince of Wales might be en determined by the army, with the approbation of the parliament, to bring the king to a trial for high-treason; his friends were greatly alarmed. The prince, in particular, made application to the States of Holland to interpose in his behalf to the parliament; which they promised to do, and actually did, by an ambassador sent for that purpose: though it proved of no significancy. Not content herewith, he sent a servant with a letter to Fairfax, and the council of war (for he knew the parliament had no authority), in which he told them, "that he had no other means to be informed of the health and condition of the king his royal father, but by the common prints, and general intelligences that arriv'd in those parts: he had reason by those to believe, that after the expiration of the treaty in the isle of Wight (where he hoped the foundation for a happy peace had been laid) his majesty had been carried to Hurst Castle; and since, by some officers of the army to Windsor, not without purpose of a more violent prosecution; the rumour whereof, though of so monstrous and incredible a nature, had called upon his piety to make this address to them; who had at this time the power to chuse, whether they would raise lasting monuments to themselves of loyalty and piety, by restoring their sovereign to his just rights, and their country to peace and happiness, tirely cut off, all persons were forbidden to declare, publish, or promote him, or any other person, to be king, or chief magistrate of England, or Ireland, without consent of parliament: the house of peers was declared useless and dangerous: and the a glory which had been seldom absolutely vouchsafed to so small a number of men; or to make themselves the authors of endless misery to the kingdom, by contributing or consenting to an act which all Christians, into how different opinions soever divided, must abhor as the most inconsistent with the elements of any religion, and destructive to the security and being of any kind of government. He did therefore earnestly desire and conjure them, sadly to consider the vast and prodigious disproportion in that election; and then, he said, he could not doubt but that they would chuse to do that which is most just, safe, and honourable for them to do; make themselves the blest instruments to preserve, defend, and restore their king, to whom only their allegiance was due; by which every one of them might justly promise themselves peace of conscience, the singular good will and favour of his majesty, the ample thanks and acknowledgments of all good men, and the particular and unalterable affection of the prince himself. This letter," continues my author, "was with much ado delivered into the hands of Fairfax himself; but the messenger could never be admitted to speak with him; nor was there more known than that it was read in the council of war, and laid aside." * Clarendon, vol. V. p. 251. kingly office itself, utterly abolished. A commonwealth hereupon was erected; and an engagement imposed on all persons (on pain of incapacity of bearing office in church or state) to be true and faithful to If this letter was really written and sent, its success was just such as might have been expected. For what heed could be given to the intercessions or promises of a man who but a very little before had declared himself an enemy to them, and desirous of their destruction? Filial piety might naturally prompt, and a father's imminent danger might excite, to such an address; but cool reason must pronounce that it would be ineffectual. The men his royal highness had to do with, were not to be charmed with words.-It is said, the prince also sent to the parliament, to prescribe the terms on which his majesty's head might be secured. This is not improbable: as I know there is in the British Museum a blank paper, at the bottom of which, on the right hand, is written, Charles P. and on the left, opposite thereunto, a seal is affixed; and on the back there is written, in another hand," Prince Charles his carte blanche to the parliament to save his father's head." However, no intercessions were regarded; and the prince had the mortification to find that the pretence of royal blood could not fix a tyrant on the throne, or secure him from open punishment, Happy had it been if the children of this monarch had learned wisdom from the sufferings of their father! But a fatality, for the most part, attended their race: they loved tyranny, and they experienced the hatred it produced. May it be the fate of such as imitate them, |