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may be profitably printed, and more profitably taught in the universities, in case they also think so, to whom the judgment of the same belongeth. For seeing the universities are the fountains of civil and moral doctrine, from whence the preachers, and the gentry, drawing such water as they find, are to sprinkle the same (both from the pulpit, and in their conversation) upon the people, there ought certainly to be great care taken to have it pure, both from the venom of heathen politicians, and from the incantation of deceiving spirits. And by that means the most men, knowing their duties, will be the less subject to serve the ambition of a few discontented persons, in their purposes against the state, and be the less grieved with the contributions necessary for their peace and defence; and the governors themselves have the less cause to maintain at the common charge any greater army than is necessary to make good the public liberty against the invasions and encroachments of sovereign enemies.
And thus I have brought to an end my discourse of civil and ecclesiastical government, occasioned by the disorders of the present time, without partiality, without application, and without other design than to set before men's eyes the mutual relation between protection and obedience ; of which the condition of human nature, and the laws divine, (both natural and positive) require an inviolable observation. And though in the revolution of states, there can be no very good constellation for truths of this nature to be born under, (as having an angry aspect from the dissolvers of an old government, and seeing but the backs of them that erect a new,) yet I cannot think it will be condemned at this time, either by the public judge of doctrine, or by any that desires the continuance of public peace. And in this hope I return to my interrupted speculation of bodies natural; wherein (if God give me health to finish it) I hope the novelty will as much please, as in the doctrine of the artificial body it used to offend. For such truth, in opposing no man's profit nor pleasure, is to all men welcome.
Hlobbes wrote likewise a variety of other works, besides those above enumerated; of which the following, however, is not presented as a complete list.
1. On Liberty and Necessity.
3. It is a curious circumstance, that he wrote his own life in Latin verse, at the age
of 84. 4. A Translation of the Iliad and Odyssey into English Verse; but of his poetry Pope observes, that it is too low for criticism. Still it should be recollected, that his translation was made when he was between eighty and ninety years of age.
5. Decameron Physiologicum; or, Ten Dialogues of Natural Philosophy.
6. The Art of Rhetoric, collected from Aristotle and Ramus.
7. A Dialogue between a Philosopher and a Student of the Common Law of England.
8. The last work printed during his life was entitled “ Behemoth ;" or, a History of the Civil Wars, from 1640 to 1660. This is written in dialogue, and is very valuable as coming from a historian of observation, who lived in the midst of those transactions he records, and was acquainted with many of the principal actors in those tumultuous scenes he describes. But he onght, nevertheless, to be read with caution. fiobbes hated tumult and war; and was willing to purchase peace-unquestionably the highest of human blessings-even at the expence of frecdom.
9. A beautiful edition of his works was published abroad, in 1668, 4to.
Hobbes may be considered as the founder of political philosophy among us.
No treatise on the subject equally methodical,
profound, and luminous, had appeared prior to his time. He had evidently found out the right method of conducting philosophical en quiries. In the examination of any complicated and difficult question, his first aim is to detect the primary cause of any series of effects—to disentangle it from all adventitious circumstances, and then to pursue it into all its various ramifications of consequences. In my opinion, he is a better reasoner than Locke. He has not the endless tautology of that philosopher. Locke has no sooner a good idea, than he turns, and twists, and views it in all possible lights; he becomes so enamoured of it, that it is with great reluctance he suffers it to escape from his embraces. In all enquiries relative to the moral class of objects, especially in metaphysics, where a principle is often to be proved more by clearness of perception and of statement, than by an accumulation of particulars, if we have once succeeded in presenting an idea in a'light in which it can be distinctly apprehended-a single statement is better than a thousand. Nay, in elementary works, even in experimental philosophy, a few clear and decisive experiments are preferable to a multitude; and for a very
obvious reason—because they can be more easily remembered. In the application too of new facts, something may be fairly left to the ingenuity of the student.
The political principles of Hobbes unfortunately lead to despotism ; and may be thus summarily stated :-The first object of civil society is security ; security can be enjoyed only where there is peace; peace cannot be maintained without dominion ; dominion can
1 not be supported without arms; and even arms will prove a weak defence, unless wielded by a single arm; which, nevertheless, will be impotent to restrain dişcord in those who are actuated by the dread of an evil greater than death itself.
A very admissible excuse, however, may be found for him in the circumstances of his condition, both personal and political. Hobbes was timid by nature; and he lived in the time of the civil wars, when all was tumult and uproar. From his studious habits, as well as from his constitutional temperament, he was fond of calmness and of peace, for which he thought we could never pay too dear. Besides, notwithstanding his natural timidity, he well kney