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force sent over to suppress the rebellion has been, by no means, equal to the object.”
** This attempt, as foon as made, appeared to the Writer of the following Letters to involve several matters of the utmost consequence to the nation. It was intended to conceal from the public eye the thameful misconduct of the American war,--to place to the account of administration all the national misfortunes, which were founded only in that misconduct,- to prove that the rebellion cannot be suppressed by the force of this country-and, of course, to demonstrate the disgraceful necessity of suffering two thirds of the Britith territory to be dismembered by rebellion from the dominion of the British fate.
"To prove the reverse of these propofitions'; to place the present national danger to the account of those to whose conduct alone it can be with justice imputed, and to expose to public view an attempt so inconfiftent with the safety of the empire, is the design of publifhing thefe Letters.'
In the first Letter the very able and animated Writer discusses the Atrength and practicability of the middle Colonies, in respect to mi. litary operations. The Author frankly professes that he has no idea of any country being impracticable in a military sense; he confi. dently maintains,' that every country, however firong, will afford mutual and alternate advantages to contending armies; while rupe. rior kill, force, and exertion alone, can ensure success;' and he demonstrates that in kill and force the British army had, beyond all comparison, the superiority. -Our Author, however, muft allow, that in a country naturally strong, and difficult with respect to fituations, an army acting on the defenkve, will, in many respects, have greatly the advantage over an enemy who must proceed offensively, or give up the object of the war. This Letter-writer, nevertheless, con. cludes, from the military operations which actually have been carried on in this part of the country, since the commencement of the present unhappy war, that the Colonies in question • cannot be deemed very strong or impracticable ;' and that, in fact, our army, under the command of General Howe, have not experienced any material difficulties on this account. —We have seen, says he, the British army penetrating into the heart of this country in a circuit of near 200 miles, from Long Illand, by the White Plains, to Trenton, and from the Elk Ferry to Philadelphia in defiance of she ut. most efforts of an enemy perfecily acquainted with the ground; and we have seen ihat army taking, with ease and litrie loss, every frong post poffefled by the enemy, who have always Aed on its approach.'
Letter [I. inquires how far the general disposition of the inhabit. ants of the revolted Colonies, was, in reality, hostile to the British government; and he appeals to facts, of the utmost notoriety, in order to sew that a very great MAJORITY of the people are well affected to their sovereign, wishing for nothing more cordially than a re-union with the mother-country, -On this head, however, it is to be feared, we have been too often milled by fallacious. nfirma: tion; and perhaps our Author is himself among the number of the deceived,
The third Letter contains a warm, spirited, and very critical rea view of our manner of prosecuring the war in the Colonies of Newa York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania ; in which the Author totally condemns the whole conduct of the honourable Commander in Chief, as nothing better than a series of the most egregious blunders, negli. gencies, and, in short, every species of mismanagement of which an incapable general can possibly be guilty. In a word, the accusation here brought against Sir W. H. is couched in such trength of language, and appears to be so powerfully supported by undeniable facts (as far as we, at this distance, can judge of them), that we cannot help thinking the General's reputation highly concerned in this bold impeachment of his character and conduct; and that if neither he, nor his friends, offer any vindication of his proceedings while at the head of our army in America, the world may be apt to conftrue such filence * into an admission of the charge. And we are afraid, notwithstanding the good opinion we have entertained, and repeatedly expressed, of this Commander, that the mildest censure which men will then pass upon him, will be expressed in the words of our Author,-" That he preferred the pleasures of the Long room and the Faro-table, to the prospect of glory, and the duty which he owed to his sovereign and the nation.'
To the three Letters is subjoined an Appendix, consisting of what may be called American State-papers; and which are here given as illustrations and proofs of the arguments used by the Author, in the Letters. No I. contains Extracts from the Initructions to the Representatives of the different Colonies in Congress, Sept. 1774. From which we are to infer the averfion of the people, in general, to the violent measures adopted by that body. N° II. exhibits a View of the British and Rebel Force operating in the Middle Colonies in 1776, 1777, and 1778; Thewing the great and constant Superiority of our Army, in Numbers, as well as Appointment, Discipline, &c. From all which the great quellion naturally arises-" Whence, then, our inadequate progress in the war?”– The Author is at no Joss for an answer ;-and administration frands fully exculpated :which, possibly, was an object of which the ingenious Letter-writer was not unmindful. Art. 17. Considerations on the American Inquiry. 8vo. IS,
Wilkie. 1779. A performance similar in its design to the foregoing Letters, but written with less asperity. The Inquiry alluded to in the title-page, is the late parliamensary examination into the proceedings of our army in America, under the command of General Howe. It has been much in filed on, that " it is impossible to subdue the Colo. nies.” The main intent of these Confiderations is ' to prove the false hood of that affertion.' The Author writes nervously, and reasons as well as can be expected from such information as he and the rest of our home politicians are possessed of : but his chief source of information seems to be Mr. Galloway's evidence; on which, however, others
• An appeal to the evidence produced by Sir W. H. before the House of Commons, on the American Inquiry, will scarce be deemed satisfactory by the readers of this severe investigation.
think we should be cautious of laying too much stress : it being obviously Mr. Gi's interest to persuade this nation to continue the war at all events. And this may possibly be the case with most of chose vehement writers, who are loudest in the cry of havock, and are the moft eager to let rip the dogs of war : For, when peace returns, where will then be their IMPORTANce and their GAINS? Swift pro• nounced party to be " the madness of many, for the gain of a few." Change the word party for war, especially civil war, and the maxim will lose nothing of its energy. Many competent judges of the subject, in this country, as well as all moderate people in the Colo. nies, are now convinced, that from a peaceful and honest intercourfe wich North America, we have every thing to hope that is valuable to a commercial nation ; while, from a war with America, we have nothing to expect, but a continuance and increase of that enormous expence of blood and treasure which hath already reduced a great and flourishing empire, to a most alarming appearance of declenfion! Art. 18. An Address to the People of Great Britain. 8vo. 6 d.
Cadell. 1779. A warm and seasonable exhortation to the gentlemen and commonalty of these kingdoms, to exert themselves, at this threatening juncture, in defence of their country, against the hostile attempts of its enemies.
EAST-INDIE s. Art, 19. A Speech intended to have been spoken at the General · Court of the East India Company, May 28, 1779, on the Opening the
Trade. 8vo. 1 s. Bew.
Strongly recommends the surrender of the Company's charter, for the laudable purposes of opening the commerce of the East to all his Majesty's subjects ; of thereby enabling them to support his government; and of rescuing the Indian provinces, now unhappily subjected to us, from the tyranny of the Company's servants, by placing them • under the regular administration of the executive power of the ftate, whose long established laws are so well known, and so well adapted to prevent or punith any abuse in the immediate fervants of the crown.''
This pamphlet is written with a generous warmth, and a compardonate feeling for the sufferings of the numerous natives of Bengal, &c, who have been too long groaning under the yoke, the avarice, and the sapacity of the English :- of a yile, corrupt race, who seem to think that no people on earth but themselves have a right to the protection of equal laws, or the free enjoyment of the common blessings of nature.
If any of our Readers should think this censure of our Eastern plunderers too severe, let them read chis honest pamphlet, and then view them in a more favourable light-if their hearts--if virtue, justice, and humanity, will permit them.
Art. 20. A candid Examination of the Reasons for depriving the
Easi-India Company of its Charter, contained in " The Hittory and Management of the East-India Company, from its Commencement to the present Time." Together with Strictures on fome of the Self-contradi&tions and historical Errors of Dr. Adam Smith, in liis Reasons for the Abolition of the said Company. 8vo. 1 s. 6d. Bew, &c. 1770.
Defends the exclusive charter of the Company, chiefly on com- . mercial principles founded in local circumstances ; but what are such principles, if they operate againit the common rights of humanity? - This candid Examiner seems to combat the Writers above men. tioned, (and “ The Philosophers," againīt whom he is particularly piqued) with more captiousness than candour; and he appears to plume bimself on having convicted the excellent Adam Smith of some inconsistencies in his reasonings. But if ten thousand errors could be found in the writings of those who stand forth in the cause of truth and justice, the principles of truth, and of justice, will remain eternally the same. Will the cold blooded arguments of those who vindicate the Company's rapacious agents and servants, restore to life the many thousands of poor Bengalians who have milerably perished through the wickedness of our European Nabobs ? . •
DRAMATIC. Art. 21. Albina, Countess Raimond; a Tragedy, by Mrs.
Cowley: As it is performed at the Theatre-Royal in the Hay-. market. 8vo. 1 s. 6d. Dodley, &c. 1779.
From the preface to this tragedy we learn, that it was in its very infancy severely reviewed by certain theatrical generals, who having refused the fair militant of Parnassus comfortable winter quarters, The resolved to try her strength in a funimer campaign, in which, however, she does not seem to boast of any signal triumph. To drop the metaphor,-how Mrs. Cowley's play might appear in the representation we cannot say, but if it was delivered on the stage exactly as it is printed, we think there are many scenes, as well as passages, extremely reprehensible; and almoit sufficiently fo to junify the rejection of the piece by the managers of Drury-Lane and Covent-Garden cheatres, if we had not perused several plays produced under their auspices much inferior to Albina.
The tragedy of Albina is, on the whole (notwithstanding a bril. liant pafrage here and there, one particularly towards the conclusion of the first Aa), crude and deficient in its fable, characters, and diction. Much is borrowed, not very judiciously, from other popular tragedies ; and while the Authoress is labouring to prove that the main incidents of her piece have been unaccountably anticipated by the writers of Fatal Falsehood, and the Law of Lombardy, we might refer all the parties to Shakespeare, and remind them of Much Ado about Norbing the basis of their disputes and performances.
* For an account of “ The History," see Review for April last.
Art, 22. The Flitch of Bacon; a Comic Opera, in Two Acts :
As it is performed at the Theatre Royal in the Haymarket. By the Rev. Henry Bate. 8vo. 1 s. Evans. 1779.
This comic opera might poslibly amuse in the theatre, but the Reader must feel disappointed at the manner in which the subject is Created. The exhibition of the several claimants of the Flitch af. forded scope for a diversity of character, of which the Writer has not laken the least advantage, though it seemed almost imposible for å poet not to avail himself of so obvious a circumftance. The fable has little relation to the famous Dunmow Flicch of Bacon, and the dialogue is coarse and inelegant.
POETICA L. Art. 23. Sele&t Satires of Horace, translated into English Verse,
and, for the most part, adapted to the present Times and Manners. By Alexander Geddes. 4to. 55. Cadell. 1779.
However jul Mr. Geddes's observations may be, that conciseness, perspicuity, and an elegant fimplicity are the great and leading characters of Horace as a satirift, yet we can by no means agree with him that these excellencies are likelieft to be retained by adopting the Hudibraltic measure, in preference to that of ten syllables with legitimate rhymes.
However well adapted Hudibraftics may be to subjects that are ludicrous and low, yet, surely, the jingle and quaintness of doggrel verse must be totally incompatible with every idea of lo exquisitely graceful a writer as Horace, whose wit is always elegant, and whose very pleasantry is philosophical.
With respect to the translation itself, though the verfification in general be easy and familiar, it is too frequently feeble, inelegant, and vulgar.
In those parts which are adapted to the present times and man. ners we meet with nothing peculiarly striking, except, indeed, it bę in the applicarion of the following passage :
Quidam notus homo, cum exiret fornice: Maste
When, late, a rev'rend prelate faw
" How to profane your neighbour's bed.” A former translator, in commenting upon the above-quoted para Sage in the original, remarks how, defective must be the system of Heathen morality, when a philosopher could encourage a man in the commission of one vice, merely that he might avoid the chance of falling into another. Mr. Geddes seems to have viewed the passage io a different light, otherwise, in adapting it to the present times and manners, he would scarcely have applied it to a reverend prelate. Were it possible to suppose that a thought so subversive of that purity which Christianity injoins, could by any means gain admittance into the breast of a reverend prelate, he must certainly be lost to all propriety and decency of character who could utter it. But thus it