John Wood, who had smitten off an Englishman's leg at one blow before he met his death.

So by sheer hard fighting the English held Dublin, and another attack led by Tiernan O'Rourke, was repulsed with great slaughter.

The scene changes now from Ireland to the Court of Henry, where Earl Richard found himself confronted by the men of Wexford, who had in some way learnt that Robert Fitz-Stephen was in ill-favour with Henry, and had come over to complain of his misdeeds, and to offer to deliver him into the King's hands. Henry was delighted, for while their request gave him the opportunity of posing as the friend and protector of the Irish, he could also claim that the embassy was an acknowledgment of his overlordship. Accordingly, he made fair promises to the Wexfordians, saying that he would himself punish Robert Fitz-Stephen before them all; but at the same time he favourably accepted Earl Richard's submission, and made great preparations for invading Ireland himself. But his Majesty's expedition was to be no irregular display of adventurous knight-errantry, the whole country was laid under contribution. Staffordshire sent 100 hogs and

three handmills, Randulf de Lench, Sheriff of Worcestershire, renders his account for 400 seams of wheat, 400 hogs, three handmills, pay for two masters and 31 seamen, and canvas and ship's apparel; and so throughout the whole country. Then in October, 1171, Henry attended by Earl Richard, by William Fitz-Aldelm, Humfrey de Bohun, and Hugh de Lacy, sailed from Milford Haven, with an army of 400 knights and 4,000 soldiers, and on the 18th of October landed at Waterford.

As soon as they landed, Earl Richard on Leinster ground, did homage for his territory, and was formally invested with the kingdom of Leinster. Then what must surely have been a solemn farce was enacted, and the men of Wexford brought Robert Fitz-Stephen before the king, who solemnly reproved him for his misdemeanours, and according to Giraldus, relegated him to prison, but Regan says that all the Lords, English, Norman, and Fleming, became sureties for his good behaviour, and at any rate he was soon afterward

restored to the governship of Wexford. One after another the Irish princes came in to offer their submission, as Henry's arrival became known; the kings of Desmond and Thomond recognised his authority, Cork and Limerick were given into his hand, the princes of South Ireland, of Leinster and Oriel, and at last, even Roderick of Connaught, tendered their allegiance, and when at Christmastide, Henry feasted his new subjects in state at his Court, holden at Dublin, he could boast that all Ireland except Ulster alone, had acknowledged him as overlord.

On the first invaders Henry kept a tight rein. A new comer, Robert Fitz-Barnard, was placed in command at Waterford, Miles Fitz-Stephen and Miles Fitz-David, were kept under some sort of surveillance; Hugh de Lacey replaced the brave Miles de Cogan as governor of Dublin; while Ulster was granted as an earldom to John de Courcy, a new arriver, if he could conquer it. Winter storms detained Henry sorely against his will, until Mid Lent, 1172, but the remainder of his stay was in no way eventful, except perhaps for the fact that an Irish synod was held at Cashel, at which the Abbot of Buildwas, and the Archdeacon of Llandaff, represented the king.

At Christmastide then, with Henry keeping Court at Dublin, surrounded by the princes of Ireland, I may fittingly close this account of the invasion; henceforward, in English eyes, the struggle was to subjugate rebels, rather than to wage war against enemies, and although the conquest had scarcely begun, the Invasion of Ireland was already a thing of the past.

str

CITY LIFE.

BY

WILLIAM

HARRIS, ESQ.

April 3rd, 1883.

THE practical end of the study of the history and the life of Cities is to ascertain what are their social, moral, and political functions, that we may learn what the Government of a City can do for the general welfare, and what are the duties of individuals which can facilitate, and what the faults which can retard, the realization of the possible good. Dr. Vaughan says of the Greek Cities, that in them "we see the nearest approach made in the ancient world towards an equal diffusion of human intelligence and of human rights:" and Grote points to the attempt to impose upon men such restraints either of law or of opinion as are requisite for the security and comfort of society, but to encourage rather than repress the free play of individual impulse subject to those limits, as an ideal more cared for in Athens than in any modern society. But we shall not find that in the study of any department of history, any more than in the pursuit of other sciences we can arrive at trustworthy conclusions by restricting our enquiries and examinations to any particular period or any one set of circumstances. The future possibilities of institutions are governed not by the desires or the knowledge of the present, but by the inherited power, customs and traditions of the past. We are to look for future progress not to intermittent acts of creative skill, but to natural and orderly growth. The conditions which have governed past development must be understood before we can make anything like a practical scientific prediction of what we can rationally expect or hopefully strive for hereafter,

The study of the place and function of City life in society and politics is no exception to this rule. City life is an important, perhaps the most important, organ in the constitution of the social organism; but it marks neither its primary nor its ultimate development. There was a time when society existed without that close association of persons, and that necessary postponement of individual to communal interests, which city life involves. There was a later time in which the activity of the most cultured minds had not gone beyond the interests, the possibilities and the practice of city life in forming the ideal of a political community. Speaking of the old Greek notions Grote says "While no organisation less than the City can satisfy the exigencies of an intelligent freeman, the City is itself a perfect and self-sufficient whole, admitting no incorporation into any higher political unity." The family and the tribe preceded the City as social organs; the nation is a subsequent result of development, but we must remember that the functions of each still persist, and that the higher and more complicated the main organism, the more and not the less important become the powers of the special organs.

The place of the formation of cities in the history of social development is sufficiently well defined. We must give certain limits to our enquiries and assume that our interest is confined to those two divisions of the Aryan race which settled, the one in Italy and the other in Greece. If we learn what the story of these two stocks has to teach we shall have obtained indeed great historie lessons. The drawing of this limit does us no injury by excluding the early history of other than agricultural tribes, for as Professor Mommsen says it is inconsistent to represent a pastoral and hunting people as founding a city. It is the more desirable to make the limitation for another reason. A most important part of such an inquiry as that which I am suggesting rather than undertaking, would be to examine how far the moral and the social elements coincide, how far that is, the advance in public morality is affected by the same causes, and follows the general line of progress which influence, and is taken by, the social growth of the people.

CITY LIFE.

BY WILLIAM HARRIS,
HARRIS, ESQ.

April 3rd, 1883.

THE practical end of the study of the history and the life of Cities is to ascertain what are their social, moral, and political functions, that we may learn what the Government of a City can do for the general welfare, and what are the duties of individuals which can facilitate, and what the faults which can retard, the realization of the possible good. Dr. Vaughan says of the Greek Cities, that in them "we see the nearest approach made in the ancient world towards an equal diffusion of human intelligence and of human rights:" and Grote points to the attempt to impose upon men such restraints either of law or of opinion as are requisite for the security and comfort of society, but to encourage rather than repress the free play of individual impulse subject to those limits, as an ideal more cared for in Athens than in any modern society. But we shall not find that in the study of any department of history, any more than in the pursuit of other sciences we can arrive at trustworthy conclusions by restricting our enquiries and examinations to any particular period or any one set of circumstances. The future possibilities of institutions are governed not by the desires or the knowledge of the present, but by the inherited power, customs and traditions of the past. We are to look for future progress not to intermittent acts of creative skill, but to natural and orderly growth. The conditions which have governed past development must be understood before we can make anything like a practical scientific prediction of what we can rationally expect or hopefully strive for hereafter.