[1734 A.D.]

But

assumed with the inscription, "Liberty, property, and no excise!" amidst the general joy their ill-humour against the minister gradually evaporated, or rather spent itself by its own force; and their loyalty was immediately afterwards confirmed and quickened by the welcome intelligence that the princess Anne, the king's eldest daughter, was espoused to the young prince of Orange. Walpole congratulated himself on this new turn given to the public feeling, and determined to run no risk of stirring it once more against him. It was indeed his favourite maxim at all times, as his son assures us, Quieta ne moveas (Let sleeping dogs lie)-a maxim bad under a bad constitution, but surely good under a good one; a maxim to be shunned at Milan, to be followed in London. When, in the next session, Pulteney insinuated that the excise scheme was to be revived, "As to the wicked scheme," said Walpole, "as the honourable gentleman was pleased to call it, which he would persuade us is not yet laid aside, I, for my own part, can assure this house I am not so mad as ever again to engage in anything that looks like an excise, though, in my own private opinion, I still think it was a scheme that would have tended very much to the interests of the nation." It is very remarkable, however, that, after his time, some of the least popular clauses of the excise scheme were enacted, and that there was no renewal of clamour, because there was a change of title. So little do things weigh with the multitude, and names so much!6

FOREIGN AFFAIRS

The last session of the parliament chosen in 1727 was opened by the king on the 17th of January, 1734. The policy of a government anxious to maintain neutrality whilst other nations were at war, and at the same time to make it understood that a strong desire for peace was no symptom of national weakness, was never more emphatically expressed than in the words which Walpole put into the mouth of George II. A new quarrel had broken out in Europe upon the death, in 1733, of Augustus II, king of Poland. Austria and Russia advocated the succession of his son. France supported the election of Stanislaus, who had been king before Augustus. The war assumed a more general character, and revived some of the old disputes between France, Spain, and Austria. An army of French, Spaniards, and Sardinians overran Austria. Lombardy, Naples, and Sicily were invaded by Don Carlos, duke of Parma, the son of the queen of Spain; and the Austrians being unable to resist, he was crowned king of Naples and Sicily as Charles III. On the Rhine the war was conducted by Prince Eugene, still vigorous, against Marshal Berwick. The son of James II was killed at the siege of Philipsburg. The companion in arms of Marlborough held his ground in this campaign, and died two years after.

The great merit of Sir Robert Walpole, in resolutely maintaining the policy of neutrality, may be better appreciated from the circumstance that the king and queen were opposed to his pacific views. George used daily to tell his minister that it was with the sword alone he desired to keep the balance of Europe. He could not bear the thought of growing old in peace, and rusting in the cabinet, whilst other princes were busied in war, and shining in the field. The observant vice-chamberlain says that the queen, with all her good sense, was as unmanageable as the king. "Wherever the interest of Germany and the honour of the empire were concerned, her thoughts and reasonings were often as German and imperial as if England had been out of the question." The perseverance of Walpole had its reward. He

H. W.- VOL. XX. 2N

[1735 A.D.] was odious at Vienna; but before the end of the summer of 1734, George said to his minister, "I have followed your advice, Walpole, in keeping quiet, contrary often to my own opinion and sometimes I have thought contrary even to my honour, but I am convinced you advised me well." The king had discovered that overtures of friendship from all parties had been the result of the pacific policy of his minister; that as a possible mediator he was of more importance than as a rash belligerent.

Walpole continuing firm in maintaining the neutrality of England, in conjunction with the states general, the emperor sent an emissary to London, to intrigue with some members of the opposition against the prime minister. Sir Robert detected the Austrian agent, and the abbé Strickland, bishop of Namur, was obliged to depart, although he had been graciously received at court. The pacific minister had an argument for the king and queen, which sounds like insular selfishness, but which insular common sense will always applaud: "There are fifty thousand men slain this year in Europe, and not one Englishman.' Under the mediation of England and Holland, peace was concluded in 1735. By this pacification, France added Lorraine to her territory.

WALPOLE VERSUS BOLINGBROKE

The repeal of the Septennial Act was the great domestic question of this session. The party that advocated a return to triennial parliaments would possess the superior popularity in the coming elections. No doubt many who now opposed the government upon this measure would be open to the charge of inconsistency; for "whig patriots," especially Pulteney, had supported the Septennial Act of 1716. Bolingbroke, the arch enemy of Walpole, was at hand to combat every scruple of conscience, and induce the listeners to his sophistries to believe that political tergiversation was a virtue. The prime minister must be struck down, and for that purpose any weapon was lawful. In the debate upon this constitutional question, Sir William Wyndham, the great tory chief, made an attack upon Walpole, which Walpole treated as the inspiration of Bolingbroke. Over the parliamentary bitterness of adverse factions oblivion mercifully spreads her veil in most cases. But in this case, the portrait of Walpole drawn by Wyndham, and the portrait of Bolingbroke drawn by Walpole, are masterpieces of invective, which take us into the very heart of those days when the right honourable member in the blue ribbon had to endure the taunts of his adversaries with rare equanimity, or to turn upon them like a noble animal at bay, as he did upon this memorable occasion.

The session was closed on the 16th of April, and on the 18th the parliament was dissolved. The boldness with which Walpole had stood up against attack had produced a sensible effect upon his adversaries. To Walpole's philippic against Bolingbroke has been attributed the resolution of that most able but dangerous man to leave England and English politics. This view is perhaps overstrained. But he was a disappointed intriguer. He retired to France. "My part is over," he said, "and he who remains on the stage after his part is over deserves to be hissed off."

THE GIN ACT (1736 A.D.)

The first session of the new parliament, which met in January, 1735, was prolonged only till May. The king announced his determination to visit his

[1736 A.D.]

dominions in Germany, and the queen was appointed regent. George was sorely tempted to engage in the war by an offer of the command of the imperial army on the Rhine. Walpole had foreseen such a possible flattery of the king's military ambition; and had prepared him to say, that he could not appear at the head of an army as king of England, and not have an Englishman to fight under him. The summer passed without any important military operations. On the 22nd of October the king returned from Hanover – according to Lord Hervey in very bad temper, and dissatisfied with everything English. His majesty had left a lady in Hanover, Madame Walmoden, to whom he wrote by every post. Soon after his return the preliminaries of a general peace were signed at Vienna. Europe would be at rest again for four years. The happy turn which the affairs of Europe had taken" was announced at the opening of parliament in January, 1736. The tranquillity of England and Scotland was seriously disturbed in this season of foreign pacification.

On the 20th of February a petition against the excessive use of spirituous liquors was presented to the house of commons from the justices of peace for Middlesex. The drinking of Geneva, it was alleged, had excessively increased amongst the people of inferior rank; the constant and excessive use of distilled spirituous liquors had already destroyed thousands, and rendered great numbers of others unfit for labour, debauching their morals, and driving them into every vice. Upon the motion of Sir Joseph Jekyll, it was proposed to lay a tax of twenty shillings a gallon upon gin, and to require that every retailer should take out an annual licence costing £50. Walpole gave no distinct support to this measure, nor did he oppose it. He saw that a greatly reduced consumption of spirituous liquors would affect the revenue; that a high duty would produce less than a low duty; and he therefore proposed that £70,000 which had been appropriated to the civil list from the smaller duties on spirits should be guaranteed, if the prohibitory rate were adopted. Pulteney opposed the bill altogether, upon the principle that he had heard of sumptuary laws by which certain sorts of apparel had been forbidden to persons of inferior rank; but that he had never before heard of a sumptuary law by which any sort of victuals or drink were forbidden to be made use of by persons of a low degree. Yet the magnitude of the evil certainly warranted some strong legislative measure. It was stated that there were twenty thousand houses for retailing spirituous liquors. Sudden deaths from excessive gin-drinking were continually reported in the newspapers. The extent of this vice was too obvious to allow the arguments against the impossibility of preventing evasion of the duties to have much weight. Compliance with the statute was to be enforced by the machinery of the common informer. So the bill was passed, and was to come into operation after the 29th of September.

On that day the signs of the liquor-shops were put in mourning. Hooting mobs assembled round the dens where they could no longer get drunk for a penny and dead-drunk for twopence." The last rag was pawned to carry off a cheap quart or gallon of the beloved liquor. As was foreseen, the act was evaded. Hawkers sold a coloured mixture in the streets, and pretended chemists opened shops for the sale of "cholick-water." Fond playful names, such as Tom Row, Make Shift, the Ladies' Delight, the Baulk, attracted customers to the old haunts. Informers were rolled in the mud, or pumped upon, or thrown into the Thames. Gin riots were constantly taking place, for several years. "The Fall of Bob" was the theme of ballad and broadside, which connected the minister with "Desolation, or the Fall of Gin." The

[1736 A.D.] impossibility of preventing by prohibitory duties the sale of a commodity in large request was strikingly exemplified in this gin struggle. It became necessary in 1743, when the consumption of gin had positively increased, to reduce the excessive duty. A ludicrous example of one of the abortive attempts at minute legislation is exhibited in a rejected clause of the act of 1736. În the wish to protect the sugar colonies by encouraging the consumption of rum, it was proposed to exempt punch houses from the operation of the Gin Act. provided the agreeable liquor so retailed was made of one-third spirit and two-thirds water, at the least, so mixed in the presence of the buyer. If the liquor were stronger than what sailors call "two-water grog," the tippler might pay for his bowl by laying an information.

THE PORTEOUS TRAGEDY IN EDINBURGH (1736 A.D.)

The Porteous tragedy of Edinburgh in 1736 has become the property of One writer appears to think that the function of the Eistorian has been superseded by that of the novelist. But the real events." "the true facts," have a significance which the writer of fiction does not always care to dwell upon. They strikingly illustrate the condition of society. They are essentially connected with the history of public events which preceded them. and of public events which came after. They illustrate the policy of the gov ernment and the temper of the governed. We cannot pass them over or deal with them slightingly. They form the subject of very important pariamentary proceedings in 1737, which are necessary to the proper understanding of the relations between England and Scotland. An impartial review in this as in most other cases, is as much to be aimed at as a picturesque narrative.

Smuggling in England had long been carried on to an enormous extent. The seafaring population were accustomed to look upon many gainful adventures as lawful and innocent which we now regard as criminal. The slave trade, with all its odious eruelties, was a regular mercantile undertaking. Buccaneering in the South Seas was a just assertion of the rights of the British flag. The contraband trade in brandy, tea, and tobacco, was a laudabie endeavour to sell their countrymen goods at a cheap rate bought in a fair market. But the principle of smuggling was not recognised as a national benent. The merchant was opposed to it. The wealthy ecnsumer had conscientious scruples against encouraging it. In Sectland the nation, with the exception of a few tourishing trading ecmmunities, abetted smugging, and regarded smugglers as useful members of society. In a report attributed t Dunean Forbes, it is said. "The smuggler was the favourite. His prohibited or high-duty goods were run ashore by the beats of whatever part of the ecast he came near. When ashore, they were guarded by the country from the custom-house cheer. If seized, they were rescued: and if any seizure was returned, and tried, the hunes seldom failed to ind for the defendant. Burton peints out the difference in the circumstances of England and Seerland which made the principle of equality of taxation oders; and emphatically says. "For more than half a century after the union. English iseal burdens were as unbearable to the Sects as they would be to the Norwegians at the present day."

Mr.

The small seaports on the ecast of Fife were more remarkable than any other districts of the wide and D-defended seaboard of Sectland, as the haunts of the most daring bands of systematie smugglers. Two such persons. named Wilson and Robertson, having had some goods seized by the offcers of revenue, entered with two associates the custom-house of Pittenweem,