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to the people of this country, upon whom Mr. Sheridan had just bestowed such eulogiums, a large military force, he maintained, must be raised, in order to ensure their safety and preserve their political existence. The species of force which the bill recognised were three: the regular troops; the militia; and an intermediate force, which may serve for the security of the country in case it be necessary to send any considerable numbers of the regular troops abroad, and to augment the standing army by recruiting. The proportion which these three should bear to each other had been a subject of consideration. But the times in which we exist do not permit us to attend so strictly to such principles as these; for we are first to provide men who may fight our battles, and preserve the constitution from perishing with the political existence of the people; and then we are to consider how a force necessary for this purpose may be so regulated as not to afford any just grounds of alarm that the liberties of the subject will be invaded. It had been asserted that it was impossible to procure officers of the proper description for the militia, when their number was raised beyond the antient establishment of 40,000 men. With this admission, could the militia, he asked, be with any advantage carried beyond these limits? He acknowledged that the bill of rights provided that no standing army should be kept up in time of peace without the consent of parliament. But he denied that he could be accused of violating that principle by augmenting the standing army in time of war, and with the consent of parliament; especially when the force proposed to be raised was to be disbanded at the close of the

war. Again, it was impossible to look at the present situation of Enrope, without being convinced that it would be necessary for this country to become a more military nation than at any former period of our history.

regu

He proceeded to observe, that in their objections to this bill, gentlemen seemed to argue as if 74,000 men were to be raised for this force; but it was to be recollected that only 16,000 were wanting, the rest being already very nearly procured. Nor was this force to be raised all at once. It would no doubt require time; but as there were good grounds for confiding in the efficiency of the measure, it deserved, at all events, to have a fair trial. With respect to the difficulty of procuring a sufficient number of officers for the men proposed to be raised, this was equally an objection to the former plan, and applied to any mode of recruiting the lar army to any considerable extent. It amounted, therefore, to nothing as a particular objection against this bill. On the means of recruiting the army, he stated that there were only four modes of proceeding: 1st, the usual mode of recruiting for bounty by the officers of the regular service; 2d, recruiting by limited bounty and local influence, as pointed out by the plan; 3d, recruiting by ballot and compulsion, now generally exploded as an oppressive system; and 4th, recruiting by personal ballot, without the pos• sibility of substitution-a mode still more objectionable. In times of great emergency, this latter mode might doubtless be resorted to; but, in general, it had a rigour not suit ed to the habits and feelings of the country. Supposing, therefore, that the first of these modes not sufficiently productive, L3

was

recourse

recourse must of necessity be had to the second; the third and fourth being in most respects objectionable. In adopting the second mode, it was also evident, that the first, that cf mere simple recruiting, remained wholly unmolested, and had a concurrent operation.

Having defended at considerable length the gencral provisions of the plan, and exposed the invalidity of the objections urged by op. position, which he thought more stimulated by hostility to his majesty's ministers than by any defects or errors in the system proposed to be adopted, he proceeded to vindicate the measures of government, and represented the calling out into actual service of not less than 140 or 150,000 volunteers as an instance of necessary vigour, in which the late administration appeared to him to be extremely deficient. This measure, in addition to the present plan for an increased and permanent establishment of military force, for limited and unlimited service, embraced every object for the army which he had stated as desirable. The navy also was in other, and, in his opinion, more able hands.With respect to the animadversions which had been made on the present administration, Mr. Pitt conceived it strange that they should be arraigned with such acrimony on their very first measure, and be fore its general character had as sumed any distinctive shape. This eagerness to condema and arraign pointed out, in pretty intelligible terms, the object and motives by which the opposition were actuated, and left the house and country in no doubt as to its true character.'The formation of the new ministry having been alinded to, in the course of the debate, and in terms

expressive of disapprobation Mr. Pitt felt it incumbent on him, not withstanding the extreme delicacy of the subject, not to suffer it to pass without observation. He reminded Mr. Fox of an opinion which he had recently delivered in parliament; namely, that although the house had a right to exercise its judgment on the conduct of ministers, and on just grounds to with, hold its confidence from them, yet the appointment of their successors the constitution left wholly in the choice and decision of the crown. This having been his opinion openly and unequivocally pronounced, was it not strange, Mr. Pitt asked, that on the first appearance of that minister, and before he had carried into effect any one measure to characterize his administration, the hon. gentleman should associate with parties to produce his resignation? a step which the opposition of that night was avowedly intend, ed to produce. Although he thought and trusted that the bill would pass with large and increasing numbers; yet, should he be mistaken in that opinion, he should only consider that circumstance as arising from a mere difference of opinion, and far from containing any declaration of the sentiments of the house, or country, concerning the conduct of the present administration. Whatever might be the result of this question, he as sured those who opposed it, that he should take no hint of resigna, tion, but maintain that station in which his majesty had thought proper to place him. Sincere as he was in his wishes for an extended administration, the radical variance of associates which this question had discovered, led him to doubt whether it would have been achieved to any permanent or beneficial

effect.

effect. A union of elements so discordant might have had an effect the very reverse of what was hoped and intended; and might have been productive of weakness, instead of bringing an accession of strength to the government of the

country.

Mr. Fox took a general view of the different provisions of the bill, and of the various arguments of those who had given it support. He represented, in terms of pointed ridicule, that the force to be created by it would merely resemble a species of militia, which, although supposed to be attached to a particular place or district, would undoubtedly be raised in very different parts of the country. He denied that any material advantages would result from insisting upon the men going into particular battalions; and, upon considering the very great variety of objections to which the bill appeared to him to be exposed, he was of opinion that it was calculated to cramp and not to improve the military resources of the state. Adverting to what had fallen from Mr. Pitt in defence of the formation of the new ministry, he felt himself bound to declare, in answer to what he tormed the insinuations which had been thrown out, and in justice to himself, in justice to his hon. friends, and in justice to what he believed to be the prevailing opinion among all thinking men throughout the country, that if ever there was a time at which more than another it was required that the passions of all men should be stifled, not irritated; that their minds and tempers should be conciliated, not thwarted and provoked; and, in short, that the government of the country should consist of men universally respected, and distinguished for talents,

energy and zeal,-it was the present moment. Of the right of his majesty to choose his own ministers, no person, he believed, entertained the least doubt; but it was a maxim equally recognised in the constitutional practice of the country, that, whenever the house of commons found that a minister was either weak and inefficient, or corrupt and profligate, they had an undoubted right to express their disapprobation of his conduct. If his majes ty should not think proper imme. diately to displace him, it was expected that he should take the hint himself, and give in his resignation. Notwithstanding the extraordinary talents of Mr. Pitt, it was not to be denied that the country has at present an inefficient administration. Mr. Fox defended the conduct of those members who had refused to accede to Mr. Pitt's proposals to form a part of the new administration. Their refusal, on the ground of attachment to a political principle which was generally admitted to be founded in justice, was highly honourable to their characters as political men--nothing could be more so. Alluding to the changes which had taken place in various branches of the administration, and the retention of some of the members of the former cabinet, Mr. Fox said that he was surprised to find any set of gentlemen could possibly act so perfectly in unison, without any system of co-operation, either expressed or understood, having ever been laid down or agreed upon between them. With respect to the personal observations in Mr. Pitt's speech, Mr. Fox observed that these were topics upon which he had himself determined never to say one word. He was, perhaps, less eager than the right hon. gen L 4

tleman

tleman for the objects of political pursuit, and age had diminished his propensities to contest.

Lenit albescens animos capillus
Litium et rixæ cupidos protervæ.
In other times, and in other circum.
stances of the country, the latter
part of the quotation might have
better suited his disposition:

Non ego hoc ferrem calidus juventå,
Consule Planco.

The question being loudly called for, the house divided, and the motion was carried by a majority of 42 votes; 265 members having voted in its favour, and 223 against it. At five o'clock in the morning the house adjourned.

In the house of lords the bill met with considerable opposition. But the very long account we have al ready given of the debates on this important and distinctive measure of the new administration, prevents us from extending an analysis, into which we have endeavoured to introduce every material argument resorted to in the progress of the discussion. It may here be suffi cient to observe, that it ultimately passed through the house with the support of a larger proportionate majority than in the commons; and on the 29th of June it received the royal assent.

CHAP. VI.

Discussion relative to the Corn Laws-Mr. Whitbread's Motion to pasi a Vore of Censure upon the Conduct of the Lord Advocate of Scotland-Discharge of the Arrears of the Civil List, and a permanent annual Addition to the same-Resolutions of the Committee on the Middlesex ElectionParliamentary Aid granted to the Civil Establishment at Sierra Leone—Annual Statement of Accounts relating to the Affairs of India-Resolutions moved by the Chancellor of the Exchequer respecting the Finances of the Country-Prorogation of Parliament-General Remarks on the Proceedings of the House during the Session.

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HERE are few subjects more complex in their nature, or more difficult in discussion, than the corn laws in general. It has been maintained by many respectable authorities, that the whole system is materially defective, and that it would be preferable to repeal these laws altogether, leaving the trade free, and the prices to find their own level. But in consequence of a report of a committee of the house of commons, it was deemed expedient to have recourse to new legislative regulations. From the report of this committee, it appeared that the

price of corn from 1791 to the har-
vest of 1803 had been very irregu-
lar; but, although increased in a
great degree by years of scarcity,
had upon an average yielded a fair
profit to the grower.
The high
prices had produced the effect of
stimulating industry, and bringing
into cultivation large tracts of waste
land; which, combined with the
two last productive seasons, and
other causes, had occasioned such
a depreciation in the value of grain
as might greatly tend to the dis-
couragement of agriculture, unless
maintained by the support of par

liament.

liament. For this purpose, although within the period of the last thirteen years no less than thirty millions sterling had been paid to foreign countries for supplies of grain, it was proposed to have recourse to a bounty upon exportation, after having in a great measure abandoned it for a period of nearly thirty years. With this view a bill was brought into parlia ment. Exportation was to be admitted when the price of wheat was at or below 48s.; and importation was to be allowed when the average price of the twelve maritime counties should exceed 63s. These alterations in the existing laws, which it was maintained did not, from the alteration in the value of money, sufficiently encourage the farmer to grow corn, would, it was expected, produce many beneficial effects. The bill, indeed, was conceived to be of importance in many points of view. It was deemed ne cessary, in order to encourage the agriculture of the country, to prevent many thousands of acres being diverted from the plough, and to guard the country from the recurrence of famine-a calamity against which the most unlimited power of importing from other countries had been found to be an insufficient proIt was, besides, presumed, that the bill would render corn permanently cheap, by combining the interests of the growers with that of the consumers. One material object of the measure was to fix the import price at such a rate, that the home corn should be diffused so as to supply partial wants from the redundancies of other parts, before recourse was had to foreign markets. The facility of conveyance by canals was an additional reason for adopting this plan. Upon the whole it was argued, that the true

way to prevent the recurrence of scarcity was to remove the dan ger of such a depreciation in the value of corn, as might discourage the farmer from producing full crops.

It was however objected to the bill, that it was not fair to take an average price of the last four or five months as a standard for a maximum by which the corn trade should be regulated. Upon an average for the last thirteen or fourteen years, the price of wheat was between 61 and 62s. per quarter. It was also observed, that the mode proposed of taking the average prices of grain from the aggregate average of the twelve maritime counties of England, and four of Scotland, would have a double effect. Wheat being, according to documents upon the table, 5s. cheaper in Scotland than in England, such general average would keep the ports of Scotland longer open for exportation than those of England. It would also advance the prices in the counties where a surplus prevailed, by the necessity of sending such surplus to the counties where a deficiency existed. The latter, however, would not be benefited by these supplies, which might be received in the first instance by importation from foreign countries. In this manner, the rise in the counties possessing a surplus of grain would be effectually prevented. The bill, notwithstanding these and other objections, passed through both houses of parliament.

In the beginning of June, Mr. Whitbread moved for certain papers relative to an irregular proceeding of the lord advocate of Scotland, in order to establish a ground for parliamentary censure of his conduct. The papers were granted; and on the 22d of June a mo

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