proceed further, to give you a general idea of the constitution of this vast empire-over all which, while one great monarch nominally presides, there are spread a number of petty potentates, who really rule after as distinct forms of government as almost any two governments, however remote in Europe.

Considering the nature of government abstractedly, one would suppose that it arose from the general will of the society governed, and was formed for their use and benefit alone: but if we view the different systems scattered over the civilized part of the earth, we shall find that they originated from force and fraud; and that, in their first formation, when bodily prowess, not intellectual power, bore sway--when he that could carry the strongest armour, and strike the heaviest blows, was sure to govern when mere animal strength and ferocity disinherited reason of her rights, and robbed her of that ascendency to which the invention of gunpowder, aided by the art of printing, has since in some sort restored her the basis upon which governments were raised was, one man, not the whole society; the point then was, how this or that strong ruffian could collect most slaves about him, not how this or that society should choose the best head if he has strength to carry havoc through the ranks of their enemies, and then to overawe themselves, he was sure of dominion over the people, and left it to his son; but if it so happened that he did not also bequeath to him bodily prowess to preserve it, the next strong ruffian seized the reins, flung him from his seat and kept it till he, or some one of his heirs, was again served so in his turn by some other usurper. Hence arose the cabals and intrigues of courts, the spirit of party, and intestine commotion; till at length the people, for their own security, and to avoid the horrors of civil war, made choice (from dismal necessity) of some one family to rule them. As society advanced, and opulence held forth temptation, some greater ruffian, followed by a horde of needy, famished barbarians, made incursions on those rulers and being irresistible, as well from numbers firmly conected, as from the powerful impulse of necessity, under whose banners they generally robbed and

ravaged, was submitted to on terms, and became Lord Paramount of a number of petty sovereigns who did ho mage to him, and fleeced the miserable subjects, to keep him in humour; and thus, in a series of time, the power of both took root, and remained immoveable, unless when torn up by some violent tempest that convulsed the state, and shook it to its foundations.

Reading this account, you will very naturally exclaim, "Good GoD! how absurd! how irrational !" Yet so it is; and from this source, muddy though it be, is modern honor, and modern greatness, and modern high blood, derived: from this foul and turbid fountain have most of the governments of the world issued; from those strong men of yore have most of our modern governors descended; and as it generally happens (so equally has Providence distributed the gifts of nature) that the strength of the intellectual part is in the inverse ratio of the animal, perhaps that is the reason why monarchs are formed, in general, of greater bodily vigor than mental endowments, and better fitted for the field than the cabinet-and for this reason are obliged to wake from the puisne ranks of their subjects some assistant, so far removed from the great standard of antique dignity, as to possess understanding enough to govern.

Upon a retrospective view of the History of Europe, it will be found, that for a long time after the birth of Christ, Germany was divided among such petty rulers as I have described, who each held his little state in sovereignty, and was called Princeps in Latin, or in plain English, Prince. After the downfal of the Western Empire, a nation called Franks, from that part called Franconia, over-ran a great part of Gaul and Germany, and in the fifth century took possession of that part of Gaul which lay north of the river Loire. In the year 800, Charlemagne, the son of Pepin, their king, formed an immense empire in the west, comprehending a great part of Germany, France, Italy, and a part of Spain. About eighty years afterwards, the petty princes of Germany shook off the French Carlovinian race, and elected an emperor of their own from the House of Bavaria.

At last Henry the Fourth, having displeased that grand arbiter, the Pope, was put under the ban, and in consequence deposed by the states; on which occasion his Holiness had the address to make that great dignity elective, he having uncontroled power over the electors; since which it has continued so, with some modifications, and under certain regulations, formed by Charles the Fourth, at the diet of Nuremberg. The election, however, has been always so managed, that it has never departed from the regular line of succession, but when there was an actual want of heirs.

In a country over which the Pope had such influence, it might reasonably be supposed that intollerance is carried to a great length; but it is not so, as a review of each particular state shews. The established religion, in general, is Popery. Joseph the Second, that good and wise monarch, displayed a greater spirit of toleration than any other Catholic prince, since Henry the Fourth of France. He was not murdered by a friar for it, it is true-those days of pions barbarity are past; but he was visited on the occasion by his Holiness, who after a va riety of remonstrances against the relaxation he gave to religious severity in his own dominions, finding him unmoved by papers, resolved to attack him in person; but whether it was that the pontifical amulet lost its charm when out of the air of Rome, or that his Holiness was not properly anointed before, (like Hecate in Macbeth) he took his flight, or that he forgot some of those relics which were expected to operate on Joseph's mind, so it was, that the good Emperor continued inflexibly attach ed to his former resolve; and after kissing his Holiness' toe, and a thousand other pretty politenesses, sent him back to Rome again with his finger in his mouth; and a story to relate, that would at one time, have sett all Eu rope in a flame, and sent the good monarch, like Henry the Second of England, to lash himself naked, over the rotten remains of some vagabond fraudulent priest.

In the election of emperor, the laws of the empire have laid down no qualification but that which ought to be the sine qua non of all princes, namely, that he be jasius, bonus, et utilis-Neither have they made any limitation

in regard to religion, nation, state or age; nevertheless, the majority of the electors being Papists, a Roman Catholic prince is always chosen.

The rank of the emperor is very great: he is looked upon by all crowned heads as the first European potentate; and as such, precedence is always given him and his ambassadors: he is the supreme head of the German empire; but his power in the administration thereof is li mited indeed. In ancient times, the emperor had considerable domains and incomes; but warfare and prodigality have dissipated the greatest part of them, and they have been successively alienated or mortgaged, so that his revenues were very inconsiderable lately, and now, since the French war, are almost as nothing.

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The present emperor Francis found the empire, when he was elected, incumbent with difficulties of the most enormous magnitude--a war on which the existence of every monarchy in Europe seemed to depend, an exhausted treasury, and a disposition to revolt in a part of his dominions, the Netherlands. At this present time, his situation is, beyond that of every other prince, lamentable almost all his resources gone, and an insolent, formidable, triumphant enemy, proceeding and carrying conquest by rapid strides through his country. He cal upon his people to support him. The states of the Netherlands, instead of assisting him to stop the progress of the enemy, invited and opened their gates to them, put them in their bosom, and were stung. Of the other states, some refuse their aid, while some have recourse to feeble expedients; and, to evade the weight, temporise, procrastinate, and shuffle, till at length will come the French army, and force them to do for their enemy ten times more than (if done timely, and with a good grace) might save the empire and themselves. The King of Prussia, one of those states, on being called upon, says, he is busily employed in securing the plunder of Poland, and cannot come while the tyger is glutting in the blood of the harmless flocks, the huntsmen are coming upon him, to cut him off. As an Englishman, zealous for the welfare of my country, I wish the King of Prus, sia may not, by his attention to Poland, sacrifice all Gers

many to the French. As an honest man, I cannot help entertaining a wish, that the scandalous and outrageous wrongs done to Poland, and this treachery to the allies whom he himself brought into the present difficulties, may be expiated by any calamity, however great, that does not extend to the interest or well-being of Europe.

It is a maxim in courts of equity, that a man coming to demand redress, should come with clean hands, and, seeking equity, should do equity. This maxim has unfortunately never yet extended to decisions between states: power is their right, and force decides-Yet, in a contest like the present, the very foundation of which is hostility to kings, and which is carried on in the twofold way of arms, in the open field, and private negociation for insurrection; when, for the interest of the cause they espouse, as well as their own personal safety, kings should assume at once their best form to appreciate themselves, and discredit their enemies in the eyes of mankind; in such a state of things, I say, for the King of Prussia and the Empress of Russia to take the part they have done with regard to Poland, is so extravagant, that we can only account for it in the will of the Almighty predisposing them for some extraordinary crisis. No one would expect them to depart from their accustomed crooked policy, if safety did not loudly call upon them to proceed in the direct road. It is monstrous to see beings endowed with common sense, expending themselves in an unjust struggle for aggrandizement, while the sword of extinction is suspended by a hair over their heads.

But to return-in this state is the young emperor at this moment, deserted by his people in the Low Countries, unaided by his Continental ally, and supported only by Great-Britain. What the issue may be, God alone can tell but every one possessing a heart of feeling, or a single sentiment of honor or justice, must wish that young prince a fortunate delivery from the difficulties which the impolicy and wickedness of others have led him into, and which the treachery of some of them make more formidable, if not utterly insuperable,

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