crucified him, and would have led its inhabitants to shun their temporal as well as their eternal misery.

But this I pass over, as I know you will have to deal with those who will be for trying every thing at the bar of what they call impartial Reason. I have, therefore, hinted such reasons as I think will hold immutably true, in societies of every kind, even in the most enlightened, and far more so in those that are circumstanced as we are at present.

We are a people, thrown together from various quarters of the world, differing in all things-language, manners, and sentiments. We are blessed with privileges, which to the wise will prove a sanctuary, but to the foolish a rock of offence. Liberty never deigns to dwell but with a prudent, a sensible and manly people. Our general conduct, I fear, will scarce entitle us to this character in its proper degree. We are apt either to grovel beneath the true spirit of freedom; or, when we aim at spirit, to be borne, by an unbridled fierceness, to the other extreme; not keeping to that rational medium, which is founded on a more enlarged and refined turn of sentiment. Add to all this, that an enterprising enemy behind us is ready to seize every advantage against us. We are continually advancing nearer to one another in our frontier settlements, and have here no surrounding ocean, or impassible barrier between us.

Now, in such a situation, what can ever unite us among ourselves, or keep us a separate people from our crafty foes, but the consciousness of having separate interests, both civil and religious? It should, therefore, be the constant endeavour of the clergy,

in all their public addresses, to inspire every bosom with a rational zeal for our holy protestant faith, and an utter aversion to all sorts of slavery, especially in the present emergency.

How far a just sense of our inestimable privileges, will contribute to exalt the genius of one people above another, is evident from the conduct of our brave countrymen, in the colonies to the northward. Their preachers have been long accustomed to dwell much upon the rights of Britons and of protestants. In consequence of this, to their immortal honour, they are now acting, as one man, like Britons and protestants, in defence of those rights.

seen.

Among us, on the contrary, where the few, who ought to explain those noble subjects, labour under many disadvantages, which I need not mention to you, a quite different* temper and spirit are to be We either think it unlawful to act at all in the assertion of these sacred rights; or if we act, it is only with half a heart, as if but half informed with that sublime spirit, which is kindled by the love of truth and freedom, and burns in the bosom, like some pure etherial flame, lighting the soul to deeds of virtue and renown.

Every endeavour, therefore, to kindle up this allenlivening flame, and exalt our country's genius, is truly worthy a preacher's character, notwithstanding

This was the state of things at the time of writing the above, when some unhappy disputes and prejudices greatly retarded the public service of the country. But these being at length done away, it must in justice be owned that full compensation hath, in the issue, been made for this first delay.

ten thousand such frivolous cavils as those abovementioned; every one of which falls of course, on the removal of the fundamental one. For, having already shewn, that it becomes those who are placed as watchmen on the walls of our holy Zion, to "cry "aloud and spare not," on the approach of every thing that can "hurt or make us afraid," either in our civil or religious capacity; surely no warmth can be unseasonable at a time when all that we account dear or sacred is threatened with one indiscriminate ruin.

Those who are in good earnest, in the great work of instructing others, will suit themselves to seasons and occasions; and for a preacher to neglect the present opportunity of making impressions of holiness, and diffusing a just sense of those excellent privileges, which are but too little understood, though fully enjoyed among us, would be the most unpardonable breach of duty.

It were, no doubt, sincerely to be wished, that the harsh voice of discord, and the clangor of the trumpet, could be forever hushed in the world. And we, in particular, who preach the kingdom of the Messiah, cannot but prize and even adore peace, as it is the chief of blessings, and auspicious to religion and all the best interests of mankind. But the greater this blessing is, the more necessary it often becomes to assert it against those who delight in violence and blood. There is no unmixed felicity in this imperfect state. It was only in Eden and the state of innocence, where the rose bloomed without its thorn; and till we are admitted into a kingdom of universal

righteousness, we must not look for the blessings of peace, entirely free from the miseries of war. While we have public sins, we must expect public chastise

ments.

With regard to the last objection, which I said might probably be levelled against such sermons as yours, I would observe, that I think the subject of popery can never be exhausted, while the danger of it remains; and though it may be a subject well understood by those who have been long blessed with faithful protestant pastors, yet this cannot be the case with those who have had so few advantages of this kind as your infant congregations.

Indeed, that you should be more than ordinarily alarmed at this most singular crisis, is not to be wondered at. For, while we sit as yet safe in our metropolis, your situation on the frontiers is most dreadful; and our last accounts from you are truly distressing to humanity-The army sent to your protection, defeated, retreating and leaving you defenceless behind them! murderers stealing through midnight darkness, and polluting the bed of rest* with savage death! Our poor back settlers, who, after much hardship and toil, had just begun to taste ease and comfort, daily forced from their habitations, leaving their unreaped harvests to the spoiler; and-what is far more severe-leaving, some a beloved wife, some an affectionate husband, some a tender parent, a brother or a son, leaving them bleeding beneath the unrelenting hand of merciless barbarians!

• The inhuman butcheries and outrages of the Indians.

In such a case, shall we be silent to avoid the imputation of too much warmth? Shall we expose ourselves to worse than persecution, for fear of stirring up a persecution of others? The rest of the foregoing objections would only lead us to give up all concern for the civil rights of our fellow citizens; but this goes farther, and, under an extraordinary shew of benevolence, would induce us tamely to yield up our sacred truth and religious rights also, for fear of being thought rude and uncharitable to such as seek to rob us of them. Surely we may guard against slavish and erroneous doctrines, without any breach of our Christian charity towards those who have unhappily embraced such doctrines. And surely we may strive to awaken in every protestant bosom a due sense of our exalted privileges, and a noble resolution to defend them against every foreign invader, without kindling the flame of persecution against any of those who have peaceably sheltered themselves amongst us, upon the faith of a rational toleration.

Most certainly, my friend, all this may be done; and I think it has been clearly shewn that all this ought to be done by every minister, and more especially those of our national church, which is the great bulwark of the protestant interest. And, indeed, we who belong to that church, can want no farther arguments on this head when we have the example of that great and good prelate* who now presides over it. In his civil capacity, I need not mention the noble stand which he made in his diocese of York, during

Archbishop Herring.